Megalomaniac

Balochistan and the military

2012-01-30T02:51:00.001-08:00

The Supreme Court (SC) has started focusing on the Balochistan issue after a long hiatus. Between 2007 and now, the SC has either been in disarray or distracted by other cases. It is good to see that it has finally taken up this issue in earnest once again. The SC expressed its dissatisfaction over the Intelligence Bureau (IB) report on the law and order situation in the country’s largest province and has sought reports from the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and Military Intelligence (MI). The court also wishes to talk to the prime minister in this regard. What is happening in Balochistan is no secret, yet our military and political leadership keep denying that there is a military operation going on in the province. Extrajudicial killings and a general breakdown of the law and order situation is not something that can be swept under the rug. The SC may have taken up the issue again partly because the situation has gone from bad to worse and partly because of the longstanding and increasingly louder complaints of the Baloch.

In another interesting development, Louie Gohmert — a US Republican Representative — proposed that in order to beat the Taliban, the US should carve out a new, friendly state [Balochistan] from within Pakistan to stabilise Afghanistan’s western border. Even if Mr Gohmert does not necessarily speak for Washington, it is logical to assume that he made this observation after picking up the buzz in American political circles. The US wants a consulate in Quetta but so far Pakistan has resisted this ‘request’. The geostrategic location of Balochistan and its potential in minerals, gas and oil is something that interests the world’s sole superpower. The Baloch resistance movement is one of the few, if not the only one, that has not been declared a terrorist movement by the US. The US’s soft attitude towards this resistance movement does not necessarily mean that they are enamoured of the complaints and aspirations of the Baloch but that the Americans have their own vested interest there. They may now want to snip away at the roots of the Pakistan military’s dual policy in the war on terror by a ‘flanking’ move in Balochistan.

Before this loud thinking is embraced as policy by Washington, for our own territorial integrity, we should do away with our double game in the war on terror and politically settle Balochistan’s issues. By helping the Afghan Taliban and other jihadi groups, we have only weakened our own country. It is time that the military realises this folly. Indiscriminate killing of the Baloch by the military and its intelligence agencies cannot and must not be tolerated. The political leadership must talk to the Baloch resistance. Only through negotiations and a dialogue can the Balochistan issue be settled peacefully.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Sindhi nationalists vs the MQM

2012-01-30T02:50:00.001-08:00

On the call of the Sindhi nationalists, a province-wide strike was observed in protest against the 20th Amendment bill tabled by the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) in the National Assembly. The Sindhi nationalists consider it ‘unconstitutional’ as it violates Article 239 (4) of the constitution. We have noted in the past in this very space that, “The constitution’s Article 239 (4) lays down that no bill to amend the constitution that would have the effect of altering the limits of a province can be presented to the president for assent unless it has been passed by the provincial assembly of that province by a two-thirds majority. It then also requires a two-thirds majority in both houses of parliament in order to pass muster. The conceptual and ground complications of creating or redrawing provinces are forbidding enough. The legislative route could be even more tricky and difficult” (‘The issue of new provinces’, Daily Times, January 5, 2012).

The MQM has a presence in the urban centres of Sindh, especially where the Urdu-speaking people are settled. As part of the MQM’s general ambition to expand and rise in the province, it is now trying to flex its muscles in interior Sindh. Even though the 20th Amendment is related to the division of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Punjab, the Sindhi nationalists believe that the move is eventually aimed at the division of Sindh in future. During the MQM’s rally in Sukkur the other day, the Sindhi nationalists came under fire. MQM chief Altaf Hussain said that the success of his party’s rally in Sukkur would be the last nail in the coffin of the Sindhi nationalists who were dividing the people of Sindh (the irony should not be lost on anyone). In Punjab, the ruling party — the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) — did not allow the MQM to make inroads in its ‘fiefdom’. As far as Khyber Pakhtunkhwa is concerned, the ethnic tensions in Karachi between the Pashtun and Urdu-speaking people have created rifts between the Awami National Party (ANP) and the MQM. Both the ANP and the PML-N have made their reservations quite clear on this issue that has been brought up by the MQM even though it hardly has any stakes in either Punjab or Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. On the other hand, the Sindhi nationalists are of the opinion that once this door is opened, more and more provinces will be carved out on an ethnic basis, especially in Sindh. While in principle there is nothing wrong with carving out new provinces and it is the democratic right of the people to demand it, the National Assembly and the Senate cannot do it without the support of the relevant provincial assemblies.

The MQM is not known to make such demands without a political motive. Thus, the Sindhi nationalists might not be wrong in their assumption. Sindh is a large province but the ethnic Sindhis have been marginalised over the decades due to the emergence of the MQM. Sindh’s largest cities, especially Karachi, are dominated by the MQM. General (retd) Musharraf’s devolution plan helped the MQM to a great extent in consolidating its stronghold in urban Sindh. If the province were divided as per the wishes of the MQM, it would weaken the already estranged ethnic Sindhis. This is something the Centre must consider well before acceding to the MQM’s ‘strategy of indirect approach’ through opening the door to carving out new provinces from the old, a move that will be more divisive as it does not enjoy the demonstrated support of the people of the affected or to be affected provinces.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Custodial deaths

2012-01-28T01:15:00.000-08:00

Eleven prisoners went missing in 2010 from Adiala Jail. They were suspected terrorists who were arrested on charges of an attack on former president General (retd) Pervez Musharraf, attacks on Kamra and Hamza Camps, GHQ, and possession of suicide jackets, but were acquitted by an Anti-Terrorist Court. However, they were not released. The Lahore High Court (LHC) then ordered their release but they were allegedly picked up by the intelligence agencies following their release. There was speculation that they were ‘handed over’ to the intelligence agencies by the Adiala Jail authorities. When the Supreme Court (SC) directed the Punjab chief secretary to recover them, the apex court was told by the Punjab Home Secretary that he was helpless. This was in 2010. In 2011, a senior law officer of the GHQ admitted that the prisoners were in their custody. The advocate general explained that they were formally arrested in April 2011 and a case had been registered against them under the Pakistan Army Act, 1952. Apparently, four of the 11 abducted prisoners have died in custody. A missing persons petition has been filed in this regard. The SC issued notices to the defence secretary, ISI and MI director generals (DGs) and judge advocate general (JAG) of the GHQ.

In its World Report 2012, Human Rights Watch (HRW) pointed out that due to pressure from the military, the civilian government in Pakistan has failed to hold those responsible for serious abuses accountable in 2011. Asia director at HRW Brad Adams said: “From Karachi to Quetta, Pakistan is teetering on the edge of becoming a military-run Potemkin democracy.” Pakistan is a national security state where fundamental human rights are violated every day. The death of four prisoners in the custody of the intelligence agencies reflects a pattern and points at a clear policy choice. Extrajudicial killings are not allowed in any civilised society but in Pakistan it has become the norm. Even though the alleged accused were charged with very serious crimes, custodial deaths cannot and must not be tolerated. What does it say about our justice system, society, state and its polity? It is good to see that the SC has made a daring move by issuing notices to the most powerful agencies in the country. Custodial death is murder. The intelligence agencies must explain how the four prisoners died and what the fate of the other seven would be. The immunity with which our military and intelligence agencies operate all over the country is a disgrace and is indeed criminal. The military’s kill and dump policy in Balochistan is out there for all to see. Thousands of Baloch are missing and hundreds of them have been found dead in recent years. Are we living in a democratic state or a fascist one? After several decades of direct military rule and especially after nine years of the Musharraf regime, a democratically elected government coming to power should have made some difference in this regard. Unfortunately, rights abuses continue to take place all over Pakistan.

We cannot turn a blind eye to the military’s barbaric policies. Fundamental human rights and due process of law are enshrined in our constitution. The military cannot make a mockery of the law and constitution as is its wont.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Land of the absurd

2012-01-26T03:00:00.001-08:00

On Tuesday, the Punjab Assembly ‘unanimously’ passed a resolution seeking a ban on ‘objectionable’ musical concerts in public and private educational institutions. The original resolution, moved by PML-Q’s Seemal Kamran, was against all concerts, as they were somehow considered ‘unethical’ and ‘immoral’. At first the treasury opposed a blanket ban but later acquiesced after the insertion of the word ‘objectionable’ instead of all musical concerts on the insistence of Punjab Law Minister Rana Sanaullah. The redoubtable minister then tried to justify the ban in the light of the stampede that took place at a concert recently without explaining how that concert was ‘objectionable’. Once the resolution came under fire from the media and civil society, the Punjab government distanced itself from it as an afterthought. PPP parliamentarians claimed that only a handful of parliamentarians were present in the assembly, thus the passage of such a resolution should not be a blot on the entire Punjab Assembly. PPP MPA Sajida Mir tabled another resolution yesterday against Tuesday’s resolution.

The new resolution notwithstanding, it is abominable that the assembly of the largest province of the country actually thought it fit to ban ‘objectionable’ concerts without even defining the word. If the assembly cannot even use its collective brains to come up with a proper definition of the word ‘objectionable’, people can only shake their heads at the intellectual and mental incapacity of arguably the most backward province of the country. As it is, the space for cultural events and entertainment activities has shrunk due to the threat of terrorism. Youth have no healthy activities to look forward to, which might lead them to indulge in unhealthy activities in frustration instead. Concerts are public events and to date we have not heard of a concert where anything ‘objectionable’ — whatever that means — has ever taken place. In trying to take this supposedly moral high ground and becoming a moral police, the Punjab Assembly is proving its lack of vision, narrowness and stupidity. They must hang their head in shame for coming up with a despicable resolution in the first place.

Let it be noted that intolerance and extremism based on misplaced religious zealotry is not just confined to Punjab but has taken over our whole society. Recently a morning show host on a private TV channel donned the mantle of the moral police seeking out couples enjoying a relaxing time in parks. Not only did she accost them, she also accused them of doing something their parents would not approve of. The scenes from that particular programme could only horrify those who stand for freedoms and advocate good sense. The said host did apologise to her viewers even though it was anything but a proper apology. As for the new resolution in the Punjab Assembly, it is a silver lining in an otherwise very dark cloud.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Win against England

2012-01-23T04:31:00.001-08:00

Pakistan cricket team was in the depth of despair following the 2010 spot-fixing scandal. The impact of losing a good batsman and two top bowlers could have hurt any team in the world but despite that Pakistan went on to reach the World Cup semi-final last year. Our cricket team’s record since then has been quite good. Coming close to defeating the world’s number one Test team — England — by an innings and actually managing to win the match in three days is no mean feat. Saeed Ajmal — who ranks 1, 2 and 3 in the ICC bowling rankings in the One-Day Internationals (ODIs), Twenty20 (T20) and Tests respectively — is now being hailed as one of the best spinners in the world. He took seven wickets in the first innings and three in the second. Individual performances flourish when a team is playing in a cohesive manner and all players are supporting each other. Cricket is as much a psychological and mental game as it is physical.

As far as this Test was concerned, England was a bit rusty as it had not played Test cricket since last summer. Dubai’s pitches are slow, especially if compared to England’s. A slow wicket, despite not much turn, meant that spinners were most likely to thrive. England made some mistakes in its team selection. Monty Panesar should have played instead of Chris Tremlett. The Pakistani bowlers bowled well in the first innings, especially Ajmal. England’s batsmen, due to their inability to adjust to the conditions and unable to read our spinners well, were not able to score much. After England’s disastrous first innings, it was expected that Pakistan would play steadily and without any hurry as there was so much time available. Unfortunately, the Pakistani batsmen were not able to post a bigger total. Credit must be given to the English bowlers who, despite bad fielding, were able to contain them.

There is no room for complacency just because we have won the first Test match. A wounded England is very dangerous. Their track record provides ample proof of fighting back from defeats and setbacks with redoubled efforts. England will fight hard in the remaining two Tests. Pakistan must be ready for this. Even if we do manage to beat England in the Test series, one sparrow does not a spring make. Pakistan needs to prove its mettle in the ODIs and T20s to follow against England as well.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Ijaz: more ‘special’ than others?

2012-01-23T04:30:00.000-08:00

Mansoor Ijaz made headlines in Pakistan and all over the world not just for his role in the Memogate scandal but also for appearing in a music video where he was seen as a commentator using double entendre during a women’s wrestling match. It seems that Mr Ijaz is a fan of wrestling, be it between wrestlers in a music video or between state institutions. He was instrumental in creating a hype surrounding a memo that was sent to Admiral Mike Mullen allegedly written at the behest of former ambassador Husain Haqqani who, according to Ijaz, had the full backing of President Zardari. The Pakistani military has fallen for Ijaz’s claims hook, line and sinker. In the process, the military has conveniently forgotten that this is the same man who is an avowed enemy of Pakistan’s army and the ISI.

Ijaz was supposed to visit Pakistan this month to provide evidence in the memo issue but so far he has not shown up on one pretext or another. He has cited ‘security concerns’ as the foremost reason for not coming to Pakistan. The US embassy clarified that it would not provide any security to Ijaz and he would travel to Pakistan as a common American citizen as per his own choice. Ironically, the Pakistani state institutions are falling over one another to provide security to an American citizen. Ijaz’s counsel Akram Sheikh has advised his client against travelling to Pakistan and wrote letters to Attorney General of Pakistan Maulvi Anwarul Haq and army chief General Kayani to ensure that the army provides security to his client. Mr Haq said the army may provide security to Ijaz but Interior Minister Rehman Malik’s statements seem to have irked Ijaz. Mr Malik was of the view that if Ijaz does not appear before the parliamentary committee investigating the memo issue, “the committee can direct the government to put his [Ijaz’s] name on the exit control list (ECL)”. By asking for special treatment for his client, Akram Sheikh is playing to the gallery and in the process playing politics. Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani’s candid statement in this regard is quite relevant. “It seems as if a viceroy is coming over. Under the constitution and under the system, it is the duty of the Ministry of Interior to provide him [Ijaz] with security,” said Mr Gilani. Why should our country spend billions of rupees on providing security to a man whose credentials are not just dubious but who is trying his level best to destabilise the system in Pakistan? Ijaz is skating on thin ice anyway. Maybe it would not be wrong to say that all this dilly-dallying may just be an excuse on Ijaz’s part in the absence of concrete evidence to prove his absurd allegations. If indeed he had solid evidence, he would not have wasted so much of the court’s and parliament’s time.

To see a non-issue like the memo getting so much attention while all else is put on the backburner is quite tragic. Pakistan is already going through one of the roughest patches in its history. Now there is a likely confrontation between three state institutions — the military, the judiciary and the executive — based on a piece of paper whose origins are not yet known. Turning Pakistan into a laughingstock is something Mansoor Ijaz has already achieved but the real litmus test would be the day he comes here with solid evidence in hand.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Women hold up half the sky

2012-01-22T05:00:00.001-08:00

The National Commission on the Status of Women Bill, 2012, was finally passed by the National Assembly on Thursday. After many a hiccup due to the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz’s (PML-N’s) obstructionist stance, through the efforts of National Assembly Speaker Fehmida Mirza and other women parliamentarians, the bill finally passed into law. It now has to negotiate the Senate to become an Act. It is hoped that enlightened views will prevail in the Upper House. Being a signatory of many covenants related to women’s rights, Pakistan needs to act responsibly in this regard. The procedures and powers in the bill were discussed and finally it was approved by the National Assembly. It seems that the appointment of a chairperson would be a consensus figure enjoying the support of both sides of the House — the treasury and the opposition. The National Commission on the Status of Women would be tasked with the promotion of the social, economic, political and legal rights of women as enshrined in the constitution.

Patriarchy afflicts Pakistani society. Chairman Mao acknowledged that women hold up half the sky but most Pakistani men clearly think otherwise. In today’s world, no society can realise its full potential until it achieves women’s empowerment. This is the sine qua non for women to achieve their full potential. The traditionalist concept of ‘chaadar aur chaar-diwaari’ (chador and the four walls) needs to be eliminated once and for all. A rational, enlightened and progressive society is one where the right values and principles of equality are upheld. For this, economic empowerment of women is critical. It goes to the credit of the present government that it has been able to pass many pro-women laws but it needs to be reiterated that commissions and bodies are formed left, right and centre but often their impact on the ground is conspicuous by its absence. The real task is follow-up action, implementation of the laws, and actually changing the lives of the women in Pakistan for the better.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Give democracy a chance

2012-01-20T03:46:00.000-08:00

The past few weeks were full of political speculation in Pakistan. There were rumours of a coup but most political observers were of the view that in this time and age it is very difficult for the military to go for a direct coup. It all began with a press release issued by the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) after Prime Minister Gilani gave an interview to China’s People’s Daily Online in which Mr Gilani called the affidavits submitted by the Chief of Army Staff (COAS) General Kayani and DG ISI General Pasha as “unconstitutional and illegal”. This obviously irked the military top brass. The dire warning issued by the ISPR on January 11 against a sitting prime minister is unprecedented, saying that: “There can be no allegation more serious than what the Honourable Prime Minister has levelled against COAS and DG ISI and has unfortunately charged the officers for violation of the Constitution of the country. This has very serious ramifications with potentially grievous consequences for the country.” The threat was not lost on anyone. The same day the prime minister dismissed the Defence Secretary Lieutenant-General (retd) Naeem Khalid Lodhi citing “gross misconduct and illegal action which created misunderstanding” between the state institutions. Another important development was the change of command at the 111th Infantry Brigade (also known as the Triple One Brigade). In the past this brigade has been used whenever the army has mounted a coup. The symbolism of all these ‘changes’ was important but it was just that: posturing.

On top of that, Prime Minister Gilani was served with a contempt of court notice for not writing a letter to the Swiss government to reopen the graft cases against President Asif Zardari. The premier appeared before the Supreme Court yesterday (January 19) and said that he respected the judiciary and would never even contemplate committing contempt of court but also maintained that the president enjoys immunity and a letter to the Swiss authorities would only be sent when Mr Zardari no more hold the office of the president. The government is playing its cards well. On the one hand, there is an annoyed military, while on the other a judiciary that is seemingly biased against the government. It was in this context that a pro-democracy resolution was passed in parliament recently.

Democracy in Pakistan has suffered many blows over the past six decades. Even when there was no direct military rule, democratically elected governments were not allowed to function properly. Palace intrigues haunted each and every civilian government. When the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) came to power after winning the 2008 general elections, people welcomed the government after nine years of military rule under General Pervez Musharraf. But as happens in our country, moves to destabilise the government were set in motion from the very beginning. This government tried to appease the military one way or the other but the Memogate issue brought the two state institutions on the brink of a confrontation. Add to it the judiciary’s overreach in cases pertaining to the government and we had a readymade disaster waiting in the wings. The PPP-led coalition government might be weak but the way it has asserted itself in recent months in the face of adversarial challenges from the two most powerful institutions in the country is something new and heartening.

What happens in the coming days is something we are all waiting to see. There are speculations that early elections could be called and 2012 will be the year of the new general elections. The undemocratic forces have tried their best to oust this government through any means from the onset but have so far failed. It would have been ideal had the government completed its tenure but even if it calls early elections, that would be within their constitutional right. Supremacy of parliament and respect for the constitution is what we have fought for over the years. That Pakistan needs democracy is something we cannot deny. When people exercise their right to vote, it strengthens democracy. And when the military in Pakistan is unable to mount a coup, it is also a win for democracy. Let us celebrate democracy in Pakistan, however nascent and weak at the moment it may be.

(Originally published in Mid-Day)

No fireworks at the SC

2012-01-20T03:44:00.001-08:00

All eyes were fixed on the Supreme Court (SC) proceedings yesterday (January 19), where Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani was to face a seven-member bench in the contempt of court case. Looking relaxed and confident, the prime minister drove to the SC himself with his lawyer Aitzaz Ahsan. With a number of parliamentarians present to show their support for the prime minister, the courtroom was all set for some kind of fireworks, or so the media hype surrounding this case seemed to suggest. Fortunately, there was nothing of the sort. Those who wanted to add more fuel to the fire and were looking forward to the prime minister being convicted were in for a disappointment. The prime minister showed his respect to the apex court by personally appearing before it while the court accorded him all the protocol befitting a chief executive. Justice Asif Khosa appreciated Mr Gilani’s presence in the court as it indicated that there is rule of law in the country. Prime Minister Gilani was not just humble and reiterated his respect for the judiciary but also made a strong case against writing a letter to the Swiss authorities to reopen graft cases against President Zardari. “I had no intention of disrespecting the judiciary. In the constitution, there is complete immunity for the president. There is no doubt about it,” said Prime Minister Gilani. Mr Ahsan told the court that the letter would be written the day that Mr Zardari is no longer the president of Pakistan. The court adjourned the next hearing to February 1 and exempted Mr Gilani from appearing in person. It seems that the appearance of the prime minister has changed the atmospherics completely. Mutual respect between the two institutions of state and the prime minister’s defence of the president was an example of maturity and wisdom.

It would have been much better if the media, especially the electronic media, had shown some semblance of impartiality too. Over the last four years, a section of the media has monotonously been predicting the fall of the government. They need to substitute wishful thinking for objective analysis. And as far as the lawyers’ community is concerned, it was sad to see a group of lawyers chanting anti-government slogans within the premises of the SC. Slogans like “Hakumat ka jo yaar hai, ghaddar hai, ghaddar hai...” (whoever supports the government is a traitor) were aimed at Chaudhry Aitzaz Ahsan given that he was at the forefront of the lawyers’ movement but is being viewed as an ‘outsider’ now that he is representing the prime minister. Such slogans are a mark of disrespect to the dignity of the courts and the principle of democracy.

Instead of heaving a sigh of relief at the end of a nine-year dictatorial rule and supporting democracy, undemocratic elements in the country have been harping on and on about ousting the PPP-led coalition government. It is incomprehensible why there are moves to destabilise the democratic system when the only way Pakistan can progress is through stable, democratic governments. The executive and the judiciary need to work together in a democratic system while acknowledging and respecting each other’s spheres. A clash of institutions would not benefit anyone in the country. Pakistan cannot deal with all sorts of crises that beset it without democracy.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Belated wisdom

2012-01-15T08:47:00.001-08:00

Even though Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani said recently that he does not need a vote of confidence, the opposition was still contemplating the option of moving a no confidence motion but finally understood that they did not have the requisite numbers for its success. This finally dawned on the opposition parties led by the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) on Friday. PML-N chief Mian Nawaz Sharif met a number of leaders from other parties, including Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl (JUI-F) chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman, Jamaat-e-Islami’s (JI’s) Qazi Hussain Ahmad, Pakistan People’s Party-Sherpao’s (PPP-S’s) Aftab Khan Sherpao, Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party chief Mehmood Khan Achakzai, National Party leader Hasil Bizenjo, Jamaat-e-Ahle Hadith leader Sajid Mir and leaders of the PML-Q (like-minded). It is interesting that Maulana Fazlur Rehman, who was tasked by the PPP with bringing Mr Sharif and the opposition on board, was doing the exact opposite, i.e. contemplating a possible alliance of the opposition parties. This is consistent with the Maulana’s track record. But the good thing about this seemingly Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI)-like alliance is that all the parties are supporting democracy. In the precarious political situation that Pakistan finds itself in these days, this is a relief, reflecting how the belated wisdom that democracy is critical for the wellbeing and progress of the country has finally dawned on all stakeholders. An opposition alliance is usually formed with a one-point agenda: to get rid of the incumbent government. This time, though, there is a difference. It seems that Prime Minister Gilani’s remarks in the National Assembly have made the opposition realise that ousting a democratically elected government through unconstitutional means must be avoided at all costs.

The opposition has the right to form alliances. Recently, there was talk about the revival of the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) but the JI was wary of the JUI-F’s closeness to the incumbent government. Now that a new opposition alliance is possibly in the offing, it seems that the plans to revive the MMA will not take off — which is a good thing since the MMA was made up of all the reactionary parties and helped propagate an extremist agenda for the country. It was a welcome change to see JI’s Qazi Hussain Ahmad ruling out another military takeover and terming the generals’ role in politics unacceptable. The JI has supported military dictators in the past, notably General Ziaul Haq and General Pervez Musharraf (although they eventually fell out with the latter). Therefore this latter day wisdom on the part of Qazi sahib is a positive sign. The ‘grand’ opposition alliance discussed five points and the most important of them was that early elections are the only solution to the current crisis. The government has already announced the schedule of the Senate elections for March 2 and if they take place on time without any obstacles, it is possible that the government would announce the date of an early general election soon after. An impartial and neutral caretaker setup would then have to be put in place, which is also the demand of the opposition parties. The Election Commission of Pakistan has already been asked by the Supreme Court to complete the revised voter lists by February 23, an uphill task but something the superior judiciary is adamant about.

Whether this grand opposition alliance is formed or not, only time will tell, but their support to democracy is something that this country badly needs. In our sad history, we have seen how opportunist sections of the political class have abandoned their democratic values at the drop of a hat. Finally the penny has dropped: democracy is the only way forward for Pakistan.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Principle of democracy

2012-01-14T06:26:00.001-08:00

Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani on Friday urged the political class to stand united, “protect yourself...protect parliament”, because otherwise there will either be “democracy or there will be dictatorship in the country”. Mr Gilani made this appeal on the floor of the National Assembly, giving a clear signal to the anti-democratic forces that the government will leave no stone unturned to unite the parliamentarians in the face of adversity. A resolution to this effect was tabled by ANP chief Asfandyar Wali Khan. The resolution reiterated that “the future of Pakistan and wellbeing of its people lies in the continuation and strengthening of democratic institutions and constitutionalism...all state institutions must strictly function within the limits imposed on them by the constitution...sovereignty lies with the people of Pakistan and parliament is the repository of the collective wisdom of the people.” The wording of the resolution is interesting. It seems that due to the mild tone of the resolution, there are more chances of a consensus across the board. There is not even an implicit mention of the judiciary or the army. If the government had attempted to get a vote of confidence, apart from the opposition, some of its allies might have proved to be ‘slippery’. Thus, to garner support for the democratic system, the government is trying to forge a collective parliamentary show of strength. No parliamentarian in his/her right mind would think of opposing this resolution as it is talking about the basic principles of democracy.

The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), on the other hand, is flexing its muscles to oust the government. It is considering three options. One, resignations from the National Assembly — this option is a nonstarter because unless en masse sufficient resignations take place to render parliament non-credible, the government can always hold by-elections on the seats vacated by the PML-N parliamentarians. Can the PML-N afford this? And if it does not participate in the by-elections, it will be out in the cold. The second option is that of a no-confidence motion. This again is a nonstarter given that the PML-N does not have the desired number of votes to make this bid successful. The third option is that of a long march. The PML-N’s earlier tries of starting a countrywide agitation on issues such as gas and electricity load shedding bore no results. The public is annoyed with the government but perhaps not yet to the point of a mobiliseable critical mass. For a long march to be successful, either there has to be a groundswell of opposition to the sitting government and/or the backing of the establishment. The PML-N should assess its chances. Extra-constitutional steps are problematic for all democratic forces while the prospects of bringing about a change through democratic steps look dim till the next general elections. Any unconstitutional step to oust this government will make the PPP go back to the people as ‘victims’, which is certainly not what the opposition forces want.

It is important for the entire political class to actually believe in the democratic process instead of only paying lip service to the principle of democracy. In the past, whenever some politicians felt that actually existing democracy does not suit them, they went running to the military establishment to oust a democratically elected government, which kept bringing us back to square one. Political ad hocism is not a viable option. Unity amongst the ranks of the political class on the irreducible foundations of democracy is what is needed to bring stability in Pakistan.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Descent into anarchy

2012-01-13T01:37:00.001-08:00

January 11 saw a lot of action on the part of both the government and the army. It all started with a harshly worded press release issued by the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) regarding Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani’s interview to the People’s Daily Online of China. It said: “There can be no allegation more serious than what the Honourable Prime Minister has levelled against COAS and DG ISI and has unfortunately charged the officers for violation of the Constitution of the Country. This has very serious ramifications with potentially grievous consequences for the Country.” The ISPR’s threatening tone is unacceptable because constitutionally the military as an institution is subordinate to the prime minister and parliament. The ISPR’s press release smacks of the military mindset bogged down in the past. They should not forget that the country and the world have changed. It is not easy to browbeat a democratically elected prime minister as it was in the past. The military must, under all conditions, respect the supremacy of parliament where the elected representatives of the people run the affairs of the country. Apart from the ISPR’s press release, we saw Prime Minister Gilani dismiss the Defence Secretary, Lieutenant-General (retd) Naeem Khalid Lodhi “for creating misunderstanding between the state institutions”. This was in reference to Mr Lodhi’s affidavit in the memo petition where he stated that the Defence Ministry had “no operational control” over the military and the ISI. Cabinet Secretary Nargis Sethi has been given the additional charge of Defence Secretary. Then there was another important development. Brigadier Sarfraz Ali has been given the charge of the 111th Infantry Brigade or Triple One Brigade even though an ISPR spokesman said that this is a routine posting. All these ‘developments’ were seen with interest not just in Pakistan but the entire world.

While all this was going on, Prime Minister Gilani gave a surprising statement saying that the army chief took his permission before issuing a clarification through the ISPR. First the prime minister makes adventurist statements in an interview related to the army chief and DG ISI and then he backs down from it. Why is Mr Gilani doing this to his own cause and credibility? Is this deliberate? If it is, then the apprehensions of a clash of institutions will turn into a self-fulfilling prophecy but if it is not deliberate, then he should be more circumspect in his statements so as not to cause more confusion and commotion. Whatever the prime minister’s reasons, it would not be wrong to say that a clash between institutions does exist. The military and the judiciary seem to be on one side while the civilian government on the other. Mian Nawaz Sharif has gravitated more and more towards the military-judiciary’s side and thrown all caution to the winds on his earlier democratic stance of not destabilising the system. The suspicion in the mind of some observers is that an indirect coup might be in the offing against a democratically elected government. If something like this happens, we could have anarchy on our hands. Instead of further destabilising the country, it would be better if all state institutions remain within their parameters. All politicians, especially those in the opposition, should support democracy. Just like Pakistan cannot afford another direct military coup, it cannot afford an end to democracy either.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Of ‘options’ and contradictions

2012-01-11T15:17:00.001-08:00

In an unprecedented move, the Supreme Court’s five-member bench on Tuesday gave six options to the federal government on the non-implementation of its December 16, 2009 order on the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO). Looking at the six ‘options’, it seems as if the apex court, in its ire at what it sees as the government ‘defying’ its NRO verdict, has gone beyond its judicial purview. It is very strange that the order gives six options but does not specify who is to do what. Can the court ask the government to act against itself, as it has done in the first option whereby the president, prime minister and the law minister may be disqualified for breaches of their oaths? By invoking Article 62 and 63 of the constitution — absurd provisions introduced by a despotic military dictator General Ziaul Haq — the honourable court has opened a Pandora’s box. A constitution that sets the standards for moral behaviour for parliamentary representatives can never be implementable in principle. It is for the electorate to decide whether the performance or character of its chosen representative merits continuance or return to the assembly or whether he/she should not be elected again. Supremacy of the people and their will is the basis of the democratic principle. And if breach of oaths has to be discussed, are we then permitted to inquire about the judges who took oaths under the Provisional Constitutional Order (PCO) of 1999 and whether that was also a breach of their original oaths? The same PCO judges were removed by General Musharraf in 2007, which led to belated wisdom after their restoration about not supporting military coups and dictators and never again taking oaths under PCOs. Has there not been a discriminatory cut-off between those who took oaths under PCO 1999 and those who later took oaths under PCO 2007 under Musharraf in the last days of his regime? Discrimination is not justice. It is quite unfortunate that principles are conspicuous by their absence in Pakistan and even when they are enunciated, they are used in a partisan manner. This is the reason why no principle can stand in this country.

As far as the president’s immunity is concerned, it is not comprehensible why the Supreme Court is asking that he should approach the courts for it when the constitution is quite clear about it. According to Article 248: “(2) No criminal proceedings whatsoever shall be instituted or continued against the president or a governor in any court during his term of office...(3) No process for the arrest or imprisonment of the president or a governor shall issue from any court during his term of office.” The Supreme Court is within its rights to serve contempt of court notices to whoever it deems fit, but whether contempt has been committed by the prime minister, law minister and law secretary is arguable given the immunity clause in the constitution. Even the Swiss authorities are not willing to open the cases as they have indicated time and again. As far as the NAB chairman’s removal is concerned, what has he said or done to attract this option? He has only stated that it is not within NAB’s purview to go after his predecessors.

The most interesting option is the last one where the court seems to be directing itself to exercise judicial restraint and allow the people and/or parliament to decide the fate of this government. That seems to be the only wise course. Given option number six, the first five options do not make much sense. All institutions of state should work within their parameters instead of going out of their way to step on each other’s toes.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

APC on Balochistan

2012-01-07T15:28:00.000-08:00

Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) chief Mian Nawaz Sharif has consistently been reaching out to the Baloch leadership and trying to mend fences with the people of Balochistan. On Friday he met National Party President Dr Abdul Malik Baloch, Mir Hasil Khan Bizenjo, Tahir Bizenjo and chief of the Jamhoori Watan Party Nawabzada Talal Akbar Bugti. Mr Sharif asked for an immediate end of the ongoing military operation in Balochistan and called for an All Parties Conference (APC) on Balochistan. An APC on the Baloch issue with all political forces across the board will be able to put pressure on the military to desist from pursuing its ‘kill and dump’ policy in Balochistan. Mr Sharif even mentioned the brutal killing of Balaach Marri, something that most mainstream politicians have not done. He reached out to Sardar Ataullah Mengal recently and his consistent efforts to raise the issue of Balochistan in the mainstream media and political circles are courageous and commendable. The issue is surely bigger than one party and if some critics feel that the PML-N is trying to score political points in this regard, they should be reminded that the PML-N does not have too much of a political stake in Balochistan at present.

Remedial measures in Balochistan, if not taken immediately, can result in dire consequences for the federation. The Baloch are a resilient lot but it does not mean that the state of Pakistan take them for granted. Thousands of Baloch are missing to date and tortured, bullet-riddled, mutilated bodies of the Baloch are found in the province almost every day. It is astonishing to see the apathy of this nation towards its Baloch brethren. The security establishment is carrying out an oppressive and callous military operation in the country’s largest province and yet there is no outcry. The Baloch mourn the loss of their loved ones every day and yet there is no end in sight. That we lost East Pakistan in 1971 because of such repressive tactics has not taught anything to our ‘beloved’ military. The political class should take stock of this situation and unite in the face of such brutal oppression. If they cannot rein in the military, the least they can do is create awareness in the country about the military’s killing spree against the Baloch. The blood of the Baloch has painted this country red. We cannot allow this state-terrorism to continue unabated. It is time to call a spade a spade and call the repression what it is: genocide.

Apart from the political class, the media must play its due role and not blackout the news from Balochistan, honourable exceptions aside, as it did in the case of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). Mian Nawaz Sharif’s calls for an end to the military operation in Balochistan should be listened to. The Baloch deserve our respect. They have been asking for their just rights, something this country owes them. If state repression is not ended, we cannot deny them their right to self-determination. Since nobody wants the disintegration of Pakistan, the political class need to put an end to brute force being used in the province and initiate a political dialogue with the Baloch nationalists. A political solution is the only solution. All missing persons should be set free, the military operation should end immediately and the grievances of the Baloch must be addressed. This is the least that we owe them and ourselves.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Tilting at windmills

2012-01-06T06:02:00.001-08:00

In an interview with The Daily Telegraph, Mr Husain Haqqani has voiced his fears of being killed by ‘powerful quarters’. “My good friend Salmaan Taseer was killed by a security guard because he heard in the media that the governor had blasphemed. I am being called a traitor and an American lackey in the media with the clear encouragement of certain powerful quarters even though I have not been charged legally with anything,” said the former Pakistani ambassador to the US. Mr Haqqani’s counsel, Asma Jahangir, had already voiced these fears. Ms Jahangir was of the view that either the ISI would kill Mr Haqqani or force him to make a statement that serves their purposes. It is highly unfortunate that despite the fact that Mr Haqqani chose to come back to Pakistan and resigned in the interest of a free and fair investigation, he is being hounded by the media, judiciary and the military alike. Some quarters have taken Mr Haqqani’s resignation as a presumption of guilt and/or responsibility, which is hardly the case. As a responsible civilian democrat, Mr Haqqani resigned to help with the investigation and clear his name. In Pakistan, this is an unprecedented move and it seems it is only civilians who act responsibly. After the Abbottabad raid on May 2, no heads rolled. Nobody from the military resigned. Nobody took responsibility. Even in the purported BBM conversation pertaining to the ISI chief’s trips to some Arab states to oust President Zardari, nobody offered to resign – the same BBM transcripts that are being used against the democratically elected government.

Mansoor Ijaz, the man who started this Memogate crisis, has been contradicting himself and shifting the goalposts every other day. In his 81-page affidavit submitted in the Supreme Court, the only alleged link between Mr Haqqani and the memo are handwritten notes made by Ijaz of a telephone call. None of the text messages and BBMs included in the affidavit referred to the memo. Now it is Mr Haqqani’s word against Ijaz’s. If it is all about some telephone conversation, then what is all the fuss about the BBM transcripts?
Is it not a mockery of justice that a former ambassador is now fearful for his life all because of a case that looks increasingly like tilting at windmills? This also throws open the question once again about who the military is answerable to. If the government is expressing fears that it has to protect a former ambassador with massive security because of ‘powerful quarters’, it means that the military is only answerable to itself and not the government. This brings us again to the civil-military imbalance. The military’s highhandedness has made a mess of Pakistan. It is high time for accountability to be extended to all institutions of state, without exceptions.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

An ugly reality

2012-01-06T00:48:00.000-08:00

January 4, 2012, was an emotionally charged day. It was Salmaan Taseer’s first death anniversary. A year ago on that fateful day, Punjab Governor Salmaan Taseer was assassinated in Islamabad. He was killed by one of his bodyguards who was of the view that the Governor had somehow committed ‘blasphemy’ just because he had spoken up for the rights of a poor Christian woman charged with alleged blasphemy. Mr Taseer tweeted on December 26, 2010: “Religious right trying to pressurise from the street their support of blasphemy laws. Point is, it must be decided in parliament, not on the road.” Unfortunately, the fate of the flawed man-made blasphemy laws was decided on a bloody road in Kohsar Market (Islamabad) the day he was brutally murdered. Mumtaz Qadri, his self-confessed murderer, was convicted of Mr Taseer’s assassination but the judge who handed out the death sentence fled the country due to threats from pro-Qadri quarters.

Two days after Mr Taseer’s assassination, Kala Kawa – a blogger – wrote these lines: “The Governor was killed because he voiced his opinion. That’s it. Until now I’d taken it as a given. We’re part of a fairly free country, where we at least have the right to say what we want to say. I’m afraid that no longer holds true; and that’s probably where the suffocation comes from.”

The level of suffocation felt after Mr Taseer’s death cannot be overstated. Intolerance has permeated our society to such an extent that people now fear for their lives if their views are considered ‘dissenting’. On the one hand we had those who mourned Mr Taseer and on the other we saw people in large numbers glorifying Qadri. Revolting as it was, we soon realised it was an ugly reality we had to live with. Despite all this, people with a conscience were not willing to remain quiet. They raised their voice and continue to speak out against the extremist mindset that is threatening the very core of Pakistani society.

Sections of the media played an ugly role in Mr Taseer’s assassination. He was targeted left, right and centre by the rightwing media. Even after his assassination, it seems the media has not learnt its lesson. The Urdu press is dominated by the rightwing but now the electronic media and even some sections of the English press are guilty of being equally irresponsible. The insinuation or allegation of blasphemy is now being used to threaten, coerce or target all manner of people from humble doctors to high-profile human rights activists. In retaliation for raising concerns about due process and transparency in the ongoing ‘Memogate’ crisis, Ali Dayan Hasan, Pakistan Director at Human Rights Watch (HRW), was targeted by the press through raising the bogey of the organisation’s critique of the blasphemy laws. A story appeared in The News, a local English daily, that was not just full of slander against the HRW but amounted to incitement of violence and public threat to Hasan.

The roots of religious extremism in our country were sown even before the idea of Pakistan was born. It consolidated itself once Pakistan came into being. From the Objectives Resolution in 1949 to General Zia-ul-Haq’s draconian ‘Islamic’ laws, our rulers have appeased the Right in every possible way. In the process, the rightwing has become so strong that it can silence any and every voice with a bullet or a bomb. The Pakistani military needed the mullahs to strengthen itself, which led to a mullah-military nexus. A rally held on December 18, 2011, was a perfect example of this alliance where the Difa-i-Pakistan Council (Pakistan Defence Council) chanted jihadi slogans against India, the US, NATO forces, etc. Banned terrorist groups like the Lashkar-e-Tayyaba (LeT) – now Jamaat-ud-Dawa (JuD) – were out in full force spewing venom against our neighbour, India. The civilian government wants peaceful relations with India but the military wants to circumvent the peace process. Kargil war, the Mumbai attacks and this recent bigoted rally are all examples of how far the military can go, along with its jihadi proxies, to prevent peaceful relations with India.

Thousands of our civilians and jawans have lost their lives over the years due to the military’s skewed policies. Cross-border terrorism has resulted in the deaths of thousands of non-Pakistanis. Pakistan needs to fight this vicious nexus. Only a continuation of the democratic process can challenge the civil-military imbalance and put an end to this madness. This is what lies at the heart of this matter and this is exactly what our military fears. A democratic, secular, progressive Pakistan is the answer to all our woes.

(Originally published in Mid-Day)

Shaheed Salmaan Taseer: a year later...

2012-01-03T16:05:00.001-08:00

Today marks the first death anniversary of late Governor Punjab and founder-publisher of Daily Times Salmaan Taseer. Mr Taseer was gunned down by one of his bodyguards on January 4, 2011. His self-confessed murderer, Mumtaz Qadri, was a fanatic who took it upon himself to silence a voice of reason because some elements in our society cannot tolerate reforms. Mr Taseer was not just a successful businessman or an ordinary politician; he was a man with a vision. He was a strong proponent of a democratic and progressive Pakistan where human rights would be safeguarded and where the minorities would be treated as equal citizens. His vision espoused what the founding fathers of Pakistan envisioned for our country. Today, we have done everything humanly possible in complete opposition to what Mr Jinnah stood for and what he wanted to see in this country.

Salmaan Taseer lost his life because he stood up for the rights of a Christian woman who was charged with alleged blasphemy. His stance was not just about Aasia Bibi — it was about hundreds of others, a majority of them Muslims — who are languishing in Pakistani prisons over frivolous charges due to the much-abused blasphemy laws. It was also about those who have been victims of vigilante (in)justice at the hands of the obscurantist forces. Neither military nor civilian governments have been able to do anything to reverse the changes in the blasphemy laws ever since General Ziaul Haq and his protégés made draconian amendments to the original blasphemy laws introduced by the British in the Indian subcontinent. When a debate on these flawed laws came to the fore during the present Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) government, there were only a few who supported any amendment or repeal of the blasphemy laws. With the brutal assassination of Mr Taseer, arguably by a lone fanatic, the debate slowly but surely died. Federal Minister for Minorities Shahbaz Bhatti tried to keep the debate alive but his murder on March 2, 2011, was a clear signal that any debate on this issue should end right there and then. It is indeed a tragedy that two politicians lost their lives at the hands of extremists but their mission of a pluralistic Pakistan could not be carried forward despite their sacrifices. It seems as if the Pakistani state and society have abandoned all notions of what is right and wrong.

There are grave implications for Pakistan in abandoning the road to a democratic, secular and progressive Pakistan. Regressive forces are not just united in their fight against this notion but also out to silence saner elements by hook or by crook. Unfortunately, our media has played into their hands. The media played a dark role in Mr Taseer’s murder by vilifying him at every possible opportunity. Optimists could be forgiven for thinking the media would have learnt its lesson after Mr Taseer’s death but it seems that some sections of the media are still engaging in defamation and playing a part in incitement to violence and murder of those who talk about reforming the system in defence of the minorities and human rights. This is not just highly irresponsible but criminal. It is time to stop this madness. The government and society at large is not prepared to do what is necessary to put a stop to all this. If we want to move forward in the comity of nations, we will have to stand together and fight extremism.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Saluting a brave man

2012-01-03T16:03:00.000-08:00

It seems as if it was only yesterday that Governor Punjab Salmaan Taseer was hosting a dinner at the Governor’s House where he was the centre of attention because of his intelligent remarks, charming personality and sharp wit. He was not afraid to say what was on his mind. That is how he lived and that is how he left us all, grieving for a man who stood up to be counted.

A year ago when TV channels broke the news that Mr Taseer had been shot in Islamabad’s Kohsar Market, I remember the fear and shock that swept me. I started dialling frantically — from Bano (Mr Taseer’s youngest daughter) to my journalist friends, I called a number of people to find out what had happened and whether Salmaan sahib was safe. Details of the incident started pouring in a few minutes later. The news of his death had not yet been announced on TV but a friend who was working for a local TV channel in Islamabad called and said, “Mehmal, bad news...” Then Iftikhar sahib, a senior journalist, confirmed the news: “It’s all over. Salmaan is no more.” I could hear the pain in his voice. He was an old friend of Mr Taseer. It was like a violent, almost physical, blow. Howling like a maniac, I nearly collapsed.

Hundreds of tweets started pouring in from all over the world on my timeline expressing shock at this tragic news. I also tweeted in a state of disbelief and helplessness. It was as if we were all trying to swallow this news and comforting each other in a virtual world. At Mr Taseer’s residence, people were gathering to pay their condolences to his family and friends while at the same time trying to come to terms with it. A man who was larger than life was no more. Nobody could believe it. Grown up men and women were pouring their hearts out and the young ones’ eyes were brimming with tears. My heart goes out to the brave Taseer family who were graceful even in their sorrow. It is a great tragedy that on Mr Taseer’s first death anniversary, his son Shahbaz Taseer would not be there to comfort his family as he was kidnapped last August. Hundreds of thousands of people are praying for his safe return. Here is hoping that these prayers are answered soon, Insha’Allah.

Salmaan Taseer’s death was a blow for the progressive voices in Pakistan. While those who mourned his loss were sizeable in numbers, the reaction to his murder from a large section of society was revolting to say the least. It was like a slap in our faces when hundreds of lawyers gathered around to garland Mr Taseer’s murderer, Mumtaz Qadri. A self-confessed murderer, a cowardly criminal, was being glorified by the extremist forces. It was a message, loud and clear: a secular and progressive Pakistan would not be tolerated by the terrorists who reside in our midst. One year on and these forces are stronger than ever while brave, bold and progressive voices are shrinking with each passing day.

Pakistan needs more progressive, pluralistic and secular voices. Liberals need unity amongst their ranks. We should not end the debate on the blasphemy laws after Mr Taseer and Federal Minister for Minorities Shahbaz Bhatti’s assassinations. This is what the extremists want but we cannot allow them to win. We must stand up to them and call a spade a spade. And it is not just about the blasphemy laws; it is about extremism in the name of religion and ‘honour’. Pakistan is a country where the rights of common citizens — men, women and children — and the rights of ethnic and religious minorities are trampled upon by state and non-state actors alike every day.

Just take a look at the grand rally held by the Difa-i-Pakistan Council (Pakistan Defence Council) in Lahore last month. Banned terrorist outfits posing as the ‘saviours’ of Pakistan were out there in large numbers chanting jihadi slogans. Pakistanis should be aghast that a banned organisation like the Jamaat-ud-Dawa (JuD) is allowed to operate on our soil just because it has changed its name from Lashkar-e-Tayyaba (LeT), a terrorist organisation. Instead, our state allows JuD and many other militant outfits to indoctrinate and radicalise the people of Pakistan just because they serve the vested interests of our military and its affiliates. How many more innocent lives would have to be lost inside our territory and across the border for us to realise that terrorism is terrorism even if some forces would like to put a spin on its various forms? It is time to put an end to this barbarism.

Today, let’s salute the bravest of the brave, Salmaan Taseer, and vow that his sacrifice would not be in vain.

(Originally published here)

Whither an independent judiciary?

2012-01-03T02:36:00.001-08:00

Noted lawyer and human rights activist Asma Jahangir has refused to appear before the judicial commission investigating the memo case as counsel for Mr Husain Haqqani. Ms Jahangir’s decision is a serious expression of no confidence in justice being delivered from either the court or the judicial commission. This has raised some serious questions regarding the superior judiciary. From the very beginning of the memo case, it was obvious that more credence was being given by the court to the military top brass as against the civilians. Ms Jahangir expressed her disappointment with the judgement of the nine-member bench of the Supreme Court (SC) headed by Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry. She termed the judgement as a win for the military establishment, which undermined civilian supremacy: “If nine judges of the SC can be [under the establishment’s influence], then I am sorry to say I cannot have any expectations from the high court judges [heading the judicial commission].” That the court is focused on national security instead of upholding fundamental rights and civilian authority has turned the public’s expectations from the ‘independent’ judiciary into disillusionment.

Those who have criticised Ms Jahangir for ‘running away’ from the fight or ‘defeatism’ must remember how hostile the bench was towards the defence counsel. In fact, it seemed like a repetition of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s case, where some quarters lamented that Mr Yahya Bakhtiar did not plead Mr Bhutto’s case well, which led to his hanging. This was despite the fact that the judiciary in those days was completely under the army’s thumb and highly biased towards Mr Bhutto. A similar scenario is in the making today in the memo case. Independent courts all over the world do not hear political cases but in Pakistan’s case, as the Human Rights Watch (HRW) has pointed out, “a tendency for the courts to find themselves embroiled in matters that they would not otherwise be an appropriate forum for”. HRW also expressed “concern about the fear of judicial overreach and unwarranted intrusion into the affairs of the legislature and the executive”. Courts should be a forum of justice where citizens go expecting their rights will be protected. Ms Jahangir was not able to get justice for her client despite making a strong legal case about the maintainability of the memo petitions. Now the judiciary’s ability to provide justice hangs in the balance.

It would be interesting to see if the findings of the judicial commission are different from that of the parliamentary committee’s investigation. In such an event, whose findings would be considered ‘supreme’ would determine where the real power lies. In principle, parliament is supreme but by hearing the petition on an unsigned memo, and that too when parliament is siezed of the matter, the court has in effect given an impression of ignoring the possible pitfalls ahead. With the success of the lawyers’ movement, it was expected that the judiciary would become truly independent but now the perception is growing that not much has changed. If this trend continues, the issue of civil-military imbalance may not be addressed and democracy remain in the dock.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

PML-N’s Gujranwala rally

2012-01-02T01:44:00.001-08:00

Mian Nawaz Sharif, chief of the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), addressed a rally in Gujranwala on the last day of 2011. Mr Sharif vowed to make Pakistan an economic power if his party came into power. “My team will bring revolution in Pakistan,” he said. The word ‘revolution’ is much abused in Pakistan. Our politicians are promising ‘reforms’ while using the word ‘revolution’. Those claiming to bring about a revolution have no understanding of the real meaning of this word and would do well to read Chairman Mao’s definition of a ‘revolution’.

Mr Sharif criticised the government for its economic mismanagement and rising inflation. No doubt the government has not been able to control the prices of essential items and bring an end to the energy crisis, but Mr Sharif should remember that part of the responsibility for the government’s failure lies with its coalition partners as well as the opposition parties. When the coalition government led by the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) tried to implement the Reformed General Sales Tax (RGST) as per the pledge made to the IMF, it was assailed by all and sundry. Had the RGST been implemented, it would have ensured that the IMF package would not be hindered and it would have also benefited Pakistan’s dwindling economy. It is far too easy to complain about the economic mess but it is difficult to admit to one’s own follies. Mr Sharif also claimed that corruption has reached its pinnacle in the country while completely forgetting that his own party is accused of the exact same thing. Granted that corruption is a malaise affecting Pakistan but it is not just limited to one political party or just the political class – corruption is rampant all over the country and every institution, be it the military, the judiciary, the public sector, the private sector, is equally affected by it. An end to corruption can only be brought out by systematic reforms and cannot be done overnight. The PPP-led government is not responsible for making the country “a beggar” as per Mr Sharif’s claims. From day one Pakistan has had to rely on foreign aid. Even when Mr Sharif was the prime minister, twice, we had to rely on economic and military aid.
Mr Sharif said that “no compromise would be made on the matters relating to national honour”, but what constitutes ‘national honour’ has never been defined. ‘National honour’ was used to attack Mr Sharif after the Kargil fiasco. He should remember that the right-wing brigade attaches national honour with everything that goes in favour of the military establishment. It is important that all political parties realise that unconstitutional forces are out to get them. Instead of criticising each other for the sake of criticism and/or scoring points, they should all realise who the real enemy is.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Bidding adieu to the dark shadows of 2011

2012-01-01T09:12:00.001-08:00

2011 was a year that would be remembered as one of the darkest in Pakistan’s history. The year started on a gloomy note when a fanatic in the country’s capital city, Islamabad, assassinated Governor Punjab Salmaan Taseer. On that day, January 4, 2011, Pakistan lost one of its finest. The right-wing forces were hounding Mr Taseer since the day he met a Christian woman charged with alleged blasphemy, Aasia Bibi, in jail. Mumtaz Qadri, who was supposed to guard the governor’s life as part of his security detail, shot the governor dead in cowardly fashion because he dared to raise his voice against the flawed blasphemy laws. Qadri, a self-confessed murderer, was given the death sentence several months later. What was shocking, though, was the support given to Qadri by right-wingers and the lawyers’ community. Federal minister for minorities Shahbaz Bhatti was assassinated on March 2 in Islamabad. That Mr Bhatti’s murder took place less than two months after Mr Taseer’s assassination was a shocking reminder that intolerance and bigotry ruled the roost. Mr Taseer’s son, Shahbaz Taseer, was kidnapped in August. Apart from speculative reports, so far there is no news of his whereabouts.

US-Pak relations took a turn for the worst in 2011. It began with the Raymond Davis episode when a CIA operative shot dead two men in Lahore. Diplomatic immunity was denied and Davis was charged with murder. He was finally released in March when the families of the two victims pardoned him by accepting blood money. Then on May 2, all hell broke loose. A team of US Navy SEALs, in the dead of night, violated Pakistani airspace and took out Osama bin Laden (OBL). The world’s most wanted terrorist was living in a compound in Abbottabad, close to the Pakistan Military Academy. Questions were raised about the Pakistani military’s complicity, which they denied. The only other answer could be ‘incompetence’, which the military accepted reluctantly and indirectly as the lesser of the two charges and which could preserve what was left of their tarnished image of being Pakistan’s ‘protectors’. The world at large celebrated OBL’s death but the ghairat (honour) brigade was up in arms in Pakistan about the violation of our sovereignty. The army’s morale was its lowest post-Abbottabad raid but the government bailed them out by standing by the military top brass. As a consequence of this event, military aid to Pakistan has been cut besides other, perhaps more threatening postures to come. Due to our double game in Afghanistan, the frustration in the Obama administration and the western forces is quite evident. In November, 24 Pakistani soldiers were killed in a NATO air strike. The US refused to offer an apology, instead attempting to hide behind a NATO investigation report into the unfortunate incident, which tried to cover up the mistakes committed by their military by alleging there were lapses on both sides.

A terrorist attack on the Pakistan Naval Station (PNS) Mehran in Karachi in May shocked the entire nation. At least 10 soldiers lost their lives during the 15-hour siege of this heavily guarded base. When a journalist, Saleem Shahzad, investigated the affair, he found that the PNS Mehran attack was linked to failed talks “between the Navy and al Qaeda over the release of naval officials arrested on suspicion of al Qaeda links”. Mr Shahzad’s explosive revelations resulted in his abduction on May 29. His body was found two days later. A commission is now probing his death. Pakistan’s premier spy agency, the ISI, is accused of being linked to his murder since he had been receiving threats. Pakistani journalists are under threat from all quarters, be they state or non-state actors, religious fanatics, militants, jihadis, etc. It is not surprising therefore that Pakistan has been termed as the deadliest country for journalists. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, seven journalists lost their lives in Pakistan while the International Federation of Journalists puts the death toll of Pakistani journalists during 2011 at 11.

Apart from terrorist attacks, sectarian violence reared its ugly head again. The Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) and its offshoot Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) are on a killing spree in Balochistan and FATA. The two banned militant outfits are systematically killing Hazara Shias and Shias in Parachinar while the law enforcement agencies have turned a blind eye to their massacre. The same law enforcement agencies, i.e. the military and its affiliates, are pursing a ‘kill and dump’ policy in Balochistan and shielding the Afghan Taliban in FATA. As a result of the former phenomenon, separatist sentiment in Balochistan is increasing by the day.

The political situation is as charged as ever. The ethnic violence in Karachi was one of the worst this metropolitan city has seen in decades. Former Sindh Home Minister Zulfiqar Mirza took it upon himself to expose the MQM. His revelations were startling but it marginalised his political career in the PPP, at least for the time being. The MQM tried to exert pressure on the PPP and the latter did its best to appease it. We saw Imran Khan’s rise this year owing to the disillusionment and disappointment of the masses, especially the youth, with the current political setup. The Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) is now being considered a ‘third force’ in political circles. This rise is largely in reaction to what others have failed to deliver rather than an objective understanding of what Mr Khan stands for.

The year ended on another troubling note with the Supreme Court’s verdict on the Memogate issue. Leading lawyer and human rights activist, Asma Jahangir, dubbed it as the darkest day in the judiciary’s history when ‘national security’ was put before civilian authority and fundamental rights. Let’s hope that the year 2012 turns out to be a better one for Pakistan and its suffering people.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Institutional infighting to be avoided

2011-12-28T02:22:00.001-08:00

Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani’s remarks about a ‘state within a state’ caused quite a sensation in political circles. It looked as if the premier’s indirect reference to the military and the ISI was a challenge to the establishment. General Kayani’s statement the very next day about the army being cognizant of its ‘constitutional obligations and responsibilities’ was welcomed by the prime minister. Mr Gilani also made it clear that there is no clash between the government and the military. Some analysts have called it a ‘retreat’ by the federal government even though it was only logical that the prime minister would accept and welcome the army chief’s positive statement at face value. But it is important to read between the lines. Prime Minister Gilani said his ‘state within a state’ remarks pertained to the attitude of the defence secretary. This seems to be a bit of a red herring. Tensions may have been defused but there are some questions that were left unanswered.

Things in the Supreme Court (SC) seem to be heating up in the memo petition hearing. The federation has termed the ‘memo’ a pack of lies while it has also raised the issue of ISI chief General Pasha’s meeting with Mansoor Ijaz in London without informing the prime minister. Theoretically, the ISI chief is answerable to the prime minister. Why he did not see fit to report to the chief executive before running off to meet a man of dubious credentials is something that the ISI chief must answer. When we expect the civilian government to function within its constitutional parameters, the same principle also applies to all other state institutions. The army chief and the ISI chief are subservient to the executive under Pakistan’s constitution. Unless they think themselves to be above every rule and law, the ISI chief’s breach of protocol is unjustified. In his address to the officers of the Staff College Quetta on June 14, 1948, Mr Jinnah said: “During my talks with one or two very high-ranking officers I discovered that they did not know the implications of the oath taken by the troops of Pakistan...I would like to take the opportunity of refreshing your memory...any command or orders that may come to you cannot come without the sanction of the executive head...” Today, the executive head is the prime minister as per our constitution. Thus, it is important that all institutions should work within their parameters and remember their oath and responsibilities.

On another note, General Kayani’s statement the other day referred to national security and how no compromise would be made on this issue. In Pakistan, ‘national security’ has always been defined by the military even though in any modern democratic state, it is defined by the government in consultation with its subservient military. The military in Pakistan considers itself a state within a state and uses the jihadist networks to defend its national security paradigm. It would not be wrong to remind the military that its definition of national security led to the loss of half the country in 1971, it led to a disaster called Kargil, and the same ‘national security’ is now responsible for the kill and dump policy being pursued by our military in Balochistan. It is time to allow the democratic government to define what constitutes national security instead of making one blunder after another. The prime minister might have softened his tone to avoid a confrontation with the all-powerful military but those who tried to stoke real or imagined differences between the institutions should exercise restraint in pursuing their undemocratic agendas. The last thing this country needs at this critical juncture is institutional infighting.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Nothing but a lie...

2011-12-27T01:49:00.000-08:00

There are some people in this world who are just so brave, brutally honest and awe-inspiring that one cannot help but respect them. Many names come to mind when one thinks of Pakistanis who inspire these feelings. One such name is senior Baloch nationalist leader, Sardar Ataullah Mengal. A man of integrity, Mengal sahib is known to be a progressive, secular, liberal Baloch nationalist. When he was chief minister of Balochistan in 1972, he focused on education and industrial development for the neglected people of his province. Unfortunately, Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto dismissed the Balochistan government and Sardar Ataullah Mengal and other Baloch nationalist leaders were arrested. He spent many years in jail due to trumped-up charges in the Hyderabad Conspiracy Case. His 23-year-old son, Asad, was killed by intelligence agencies in Karachi, while his other son, Akhtar, who also served as chief minister of Balochistan, was arrested during the Musharraf regime. Despite his personal loss and suffering, the powers-that-be have not been able to break Mengal sahib’s spirit. He remains steadfast in his commitment to the Baloch cause.

In an interview with a private news channel on December 25, Sardar Ataullah Mengal refused to use the word ‘establishment’ for the army and the ISI because he thought it was a very polite term used to hide their names. He also made some statements that should give all Pakistanis some food for thought. “If you think there is any government [hakoomat] other than the army, you are mistaken. There was army’s rule, there is army’s rule and there will be army’s rule because they are the real rulers of Pakistan,” said Mengal sahib. This is an uncomfortable truth.

Pakistan is at a critical juncture. After nine years of military rule, democracy was finally restored in 2008 after an election. The Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) formed a coalition government but from day one moves have been afoot to undermine its credibility. Palace intrigues are a norm in our country. After more than three years of being in power, the democratically elected government is now under attack from all sides, be it the military ‘establishment’, the judiciary, the opposition or the general public. This government tried to appease the military in every way possible. Even after the May 2 raid that led to Osama bin Laden being killed by the Americans, the PPP stood by the military high command, much to the chagrin of those who have been asking for civilian supremacy for decades. The Memogate scandal changed everything. The military seems to be upset with the PPP but the government has finally stood up to it and made it quite clear that it will not go down without a fight. Some say tensions between them were somewhat defused after Prime Minister Gilani took direct digs at the army and the ISI that led General Kayani to issue a rather defensive statement that the army is “fully cognizant of its constitutional obligations and responsibilities”; others believe that the military has not backed down since it issued a veiled threat to the PPP when General Kayani said that “there can be no compromise on national security” in the same statement. This cat and mouse game will not end until and unless the issue of civil-military imbalance is addressed.

Those who are disillusioned with the current political setup need to realise that ours is a nascent democracy. The crises plaguing our country cannot be dealt with overnight. When a weak government is not allowed to function and conspiracies are hatched to destabilise it at every opportune moment, it can hardly deliver much. Despite all the problems this government faced, it did some amazing work in the shape of the 18th Amendment, the NFC Award, partial reforms in FATA, pro-women legislation, building a consensus on the war on terror, etc. This is not to say that the criticism levelled against the incumbents is completely unfair either. It could have performed better.

In this ‘land of the pure’, it is easy to blame the political class for all ills. What is more difficult is facing reality. The bitter truth is that since there is no civilian supremacy, the military top brass, both in the past and the present, has treated our country like its personal fiefdom. Let’s not forget that a large chunk of our budget goes to the military — the same military that has sent civilian governments packing many a time in the past, the same military that is killing its own people in Balochistan, the same military that has given overt and covert support to militant outfits, the same military that has a big hand in strengthening religious extremists, the same military that is involved in exporting terrorism across the border.

Sardar Ataullah Mengal pointed out the elephant in the room: “Until the politicians send the army back to the barracks, politics is nothing but a lie.” These words should serve as an eye-opener for not just our politicians but the entire Pakistani nation. Each democratically elected government should be allowed to complete its tenure. If the people are not happy with the ruling party, they should vote them out in the next election. The military will go back to the barracks and politics will be left to the civilians only when democracy is strengthened. Let’s work on achieving this goal.

(Originally published here)

Benazir Bhutto: a symbol of resistance

2011-12-27T01:47:00.000-08:00

December 27 will haunt Pakistan forever. On this day four years ago, our country lost one of its best leaders: Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto, twice elected prime minister of Pakistan. Benazir Bhutto was not an ordinary leader. She was the head of Pakistan’s biggest political party — the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) — with roots in all provinces, and represented the moderate democratic face of Pakistan. In an e-mail sent to her friend Mark Siegel, Ms Bhutto wrote that she would hold General Musharraf responsible if anything happens to her, apart from the names she sent in a letter to Musharraf (former IB chief Brigadier (retd) Ijaz Shah, PML-Q’s Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi, Arbab Ghulam Rahim and former ISI chief General Hamid Gul). What happened to those names, nobody knows in the hustle bustle of power politics. Despite the PPP being in power, even her purported assassins have not been meted out a modicum of punishment. Those few who have been arrested in her murder case may have been involved in the actual assassination but they were certainly not the masterminds. In a tragic twist of fate, one of the nominees, Pervaiz Elahi, was let off the hook to the extent of becoming a senior minister when the PPP-led coalition government was in trouble. Interior Minister Rehman Malik claimed that General Musharraf would soon be declared a proclaimed offender in the BB murder case but so far the retired military man is enjoying a luxurious life outside the country. The government must bring closure to the case. The murderers of such a big leader, who was a repository of the hopes of a democratic, liberal and progressive Pakistan and loved by millions, cannot be allowed to escape punishment. Ms Bhutto brought about a sea change in the political class during her years of exile and even convinced her main rival, Mian Nawaz Sharif, to sign the Charter of Democracy that clearly points at the real threat to democracy, i.e. the military establishment.

The judiciary, too, has a lot to answer for regarding its past behaviour when it legitimised military dictatorships. Thankfully, with the restoration of an independent judiciary, the notorious doctrine of necessity has been buried forever. The judiciary cannot afford to validate a coup or unconstitutional move again because the climate has changed and it will not be spared either. It is indeed welcome that Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry has consistently said that a coup will be unacceptable. Our history is replete with mistakes. After the 80s, the Left collapsed in Pakistan. With its collapse came the decline of political consciousness, which was partly a consequence of the Left’s collapse and partly due to the machinations of the establishment to confuse the intelligentsia. When General Musharraf ousted a democratically elected government in October 1999 through a military coup, by and large the liberal intelligentsia leapt lemming-like into his lap, honourable exceptions aside. It took eight years for the intelligentsia to understand the point of the dissident perception. Judging by our history, a military dictatorship is a disaster waiting to happen. The opportunism shown by our intelligentsia left a very profound and negative impact on society. They should never make the same mistake again by abandoning principles. Today, the country needs them more than ever to further the ideas that Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto propagated.

In Benazir Bhutto, Pakistan lost a leader with great political acumen and commitment to its people. Even if one disagrees with some of the policies she adopted during her two terms as premier, the manner in which the establishment hamstrung both her governments is there for all to see. Those who are vicious enough to demonise Ms Bhutto even in her death should remember that she gave her life for democracy in Pakistan. Let us honour a great woman leader by continuing with the tradition of democracy instead of supporting the very forces that took Shaheed BB away from us.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

No real ‘change’

2011-12-25T15:42:00.001-08:00

The Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) rally in Karachi attracted, according to varying estimates, between 100,000 and 300,000 people on December 25. This was not a surprise given that PTI chief Imran Khan’s popularity has risen in recent months. Seeing the party’s rise as a ‘third force’, a lot of politicians have jumped ship and joined the PTI. Most of these are those who were either not happy with their former party or were sidelined. Former foreign minister Sardar Assef Ali has also joined the PTI, so it seems that the party is just new wine in an old bottle (read politicians). Reservations from the Christian community were shown when the PTI announced a rally on Christmas day but the PTI justified its decision since it also fell on Mr Jinnah’s birthday. Symbolically, the rally was held at the Quaid’s mausoleum. Though there is no bar on people with diverse views to attend a political rally, it was a bit disconcerting to see Dr Aafia Siddiqui’s posters at the rally. Not only were her posters being flashed at the rally, PTI’s new entrant Javed Hashmi said she was our ‘daughter’ and the US should return her to Pakistan. It is disturbing to see that Aasia Bibi, a poor Christian woman accused of alleged blasphemy, is rotting in a Pakistani prison while some hardliners have declared an al Qaeda operative ‘qaum ki beti’ (nation’s daughter).

That said, the turnout at the PTI rally was impressive and it is hoped that those attending political rallies such as this one will come out to vote come election day. Low voter turnout has afflicted this country for far too long. In a democracy, it is important that people cast their votes to show that they want to bring change through the ballot box. It is equally important that Pakistanis not remain apolitical. A politically aware nation is critical for the democratic process. As far as the PTI leaders were concerned, some of their speeches were direct attacks on President Zardari. Azam Swati asked for the president to be placed on the exit control list (ECL). Shah Mehmood Qureshi took the stage amidst shouts of ‘Go Zardari Go’. He declared that Pakistan’s nuclear assets were safe but needed to be safeguarded from those who could be a security risk. This was an uncalled for and totally baseless allegation against the president. Mr Qureshi sounded like a warmonger when he said that a ‘no first use’ policy would make our nuclear weapons worthless. He needs to be reminded that ever since India and Pakistan went overtly nuclear, war is no longer an option, and that using nuclear weapons is the greatest disaster that can ever take place.

The main attraction of the rally was of course PTI chief Imran Khan. He came prepared and sounded mature in his speech. Mr Khan talked about minority rights, animal rights, women’s rights, free healthcare, education, justice. It was good to see Mr Khan offering an apology to the Baloch and admitting that Pakistan is treating Balochistan like its colony, as it did with East Pakistan. He promised that his party would put an end to this if and when it comes to power. Mr Khan should be aware that the reason the Baloch feel alienated from this country is because of the military’s callous ‘kill and dump’ policy. The military has adopted oppressive policies in the country’s largest province against its own citizens. Unless and until the military is made accountable for its atrocities and a political solution negotiated, the Balochistan issue cannot be resolved. Mr Khan’s rhetoric on making Pakistan a social welfare state is hollow without a proper programme, which was ‘promised’ but not spelled out. It seems that PTI wants to make the existing system better by reliance on private enterprise, investment and welfare for the working class and peasants in a capitalist-feudal system. The PTI has not addressed property relations or the issue of land reforms. For an ordinary citizen, this is no ‘revolution’ or ‘change’; it is but a promise of reform in the existing system. Those who are living under the illusion that the PTI will bring any fundamental systemic change need to wake up and smell the coffee.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Going against a democratic consensus

2011-12-25T11:53:00.000-08:00

Prime Minister Gilani’s speech in the National Assembly ruffled some powerful feathers the other day. Army chief General Kayani was quick to allay the fears of the civilian government by stating that the army is fully cognizant of its constitutional obligations and responsibilities. On the other hand, General Kayani said that “irrespective of all other considerations, there can be no compromise on national security”. Now who defines ‘national security’ is completely another matter. But for the time being, Prime Minister Gilani is happy with General Kayani’s ‘clarification’ and is of the view that there “will definitely be an improvement because of it”. While there is a political consensus across the board — from Mian Nawaz Sharif to Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain, from Altaf Hussain to Asfandyar Wali Khan — that democracy must be safeguarded, it was disconcerting to see Chief Minister Punjab Shahbaz Sharif adopting a hawkish stance. On the one hand, the Punjab Assembly passed a resolution in support of democracy while on the other Chaudhry Nisar, the Opposition leader in the National Assembly, assailed the prime minister for his statement. Shahbaz Sharif and Chaudhry Nisar are known for their hawkish tendencies but it seems that Mian Nawaz Sharif is not going with the hardliners, Memogate petition notwithstanding.

There seems to be a tussle between the hardliners and Mian Nawaz Sharif’s relatively moderate views within the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N). This emerging consensus between the government and its allies as well as the Opposition shows that the political class as a whole understands the importance of uniting in the face of adversity from the non-democratic forces. Politicians like Shahbaz Sharif and other hardliners of his ilk are sticking out their necks for those who are working against democracy, thereby isolating themselves from the general run of opinion from all political circles. Political hawks are not just adventurous but seldom care about democracy itself; all they are interested in is power by hook or by crook. This political opportunism is something that has undone democracy many a time in the past. If some politicians are willing to commit hara-kiri, they should not try to set the entire democratic process on fire. Mian Nawaz Sharif has become more mature and responsible ever since his democratically elected government was ousted by General Musharraf in a military coup back in 1999. In principle, years of exile should have made Shahbaz Sharif more reasonable but that does not seem to be the case. It is important for the hawks to realise that if their only aim is to be in power, then the level of their political immaturity could not have been clearer.

Politics in Pakistan is not a bed of roses. Every day is a challenge for the civilians in a country where anti-democratic elements are out in full force to dislodge a civilian government one way or the other. By trying to dent the credibility of each democratically elected government, these forces only strengthen the hands of those waiting in the shadows. What is needed at this point in time is unconditional support of the government to complete its tenure so that free and fair general elections can take place and the power of the people be translated through their votes. The 'weapon' of choice should be the ballot box, not unconstitutional means.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

No strangers to danger

2011-12-23T01:16:00.000-08:00

A special report by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) highlights the dangers faced by journalists working in my country, Pakistan. According to the report, “Pakistan remained the deadliest country for the press for a second year … with the seven deaths in Pakistan marking the heaviest losses in a single nation.”

Wali Khan Babar, a young and energetic reporter of Geo TV, was killed in January this year. It is alleged that the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) was responsible for his murder. Dr Zulfiqar Mirza, former Home Minister of Sindh, was probably the first person to openly allege this in public. Javed Naseer Rind, a journalist from Balochistan who worked for Daily Tawar, was killed last month – almost two months after he was abducted by unknown men. Pakistan’s military has been following a ‘kill and dump’ policy in the province of Balochistan and Mr Rind was another victim of that brutal policy. Syed Saleem Shahzad, Pakistan bureau chief of Asia Times Online, went missing on May 29, 2011 from Islamabad and two days later his body was found from Mandi Bahauddin, a town near the capital. It is widely believed that the ISI is responsible for Mr Shahzad’s death as his last story for Asia Times Online revealed how al Qaeda had penetrated the Pakistan Navy.

Journalists in Pakistan have a tough job, especially those who continue reporting/writing/analysing boldly, despite the dangers they face. My country is beset with terrorism, religious extremism, militancy; it is also a place where the army can get away with anything and everything. In Balochistan, the Baloch journalists face threats from the military and its proxies. In urban Sindh, some political parties have their own thugs who will silence any voice against the parties. In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), threats emanate not just from the Taliban and their affiliates but from the military and its intelligence agencies as well. Then there are the extremist outfits that will not tolerate criticism or any opposition to their views. Journalists have also lost their lives or been injured while covering terrorist attacks – Shafiullah Khan, a young tribal journalist working for an English daily died after incurring serious burn injuries in the twin blasts at Khyber Super Market, Peshawar, a few months ago. Media bodies and human rights organisations have long been asking the authorities to ensure their protection. Just this year, Amnesty International demanded that the “authorities in Pakistan must ensure journalists and media workers are given adequate protection to carry out their jobs without fearing for their lives”.

There are sacred cows in Pakistan, especially the military and its premier spy agency, the ISI. The jihadist organisations, most of them with the covert or overt support of the military establishment, are equally menacing. What should a journalist do under these circumstances? One cannot blame someone if they decide to either leave the country or tone down their reporting. Most journalists in Pakistan have no privacy; their phone calls, e-mails, interactions and movements are all monitored. The risk is not just to the journalists’ own lives but also the lives of their loved ones.

While the Pakistani media is dominated by rightwing reactionaries who balk at the idea of criticising the army, jihadi organisations, religious fanatics, etc, there are many brave journalists who have valiantly raised their voices against all this and more. They are no strangers to danger.

What I find encouraging is that a lot of young journalists are now following in the footsteps of their seniors who were courageous enough to face the wrath of all quarters and yet continue(d) to do their work without fear. Sometimes I feel that the reason we survive as a nation, despite all the challenges and conflict we deal with, is because of the inspiration that some of our seniors – both alive and those who are no longer with us – give us. Journalism in Pakistan can be a thankless profession; with the exception of a few, it does not pay well. It is the thrill of our profession and a sense that somehow we are serving our country that makes us tick. Despite everything, Pakistani journalists must not give up taking bold stances. The future of our country depends on their work.

(Originally published in Mid-Day)

Something is rotten...

2011-12-22T15:05:00.000-08:00

The Memogate issue, a political scandal at best, seems to have developed into a matter of great import because the Supreme Court (SC) has decided to hear a petition related to the controversial memo. It is quite embarrassing that two supreme institutions — parliament and the SC — are investigating the same issue. When the prime minister had already ordered an inquiry into the matter through the parliamentary committee on national security, there was no need for the matter to be taken to the highest court. According to Article 184 (3.1) of the Constitution: “Exercise of jurisdiction. Court has to see that discretion is exercised in such a way that mischief and chaos is prevented. It should be exercised only when necessary, for injudicious exercise of such power, might result in grave and serious consequences.” Is it appropriate that the court and parliament are seized of the same matter? Should the petition be heard when it involves a spurious unsigned memo? It is important that the maintainability of the petition should first be addressed before the honourable justices exercise their jurisdiction so that mischief and chaos is prevented.

Judging by the responses submitted by the top military brass to the SC, it looks like they are jumping to conclusions when the very fact that has been ‘stated’ as a fact is still under investigation. What was also interesting to see was the Ministry of Defence’s (MoD’s) reply to the SC on the memo issue. It admitted that the MoD had no control over the army and the ISI. An admission to this effect has sent everyone in a tizzy. Prime Minister Gilani also came down hard on the military, in a subtle yet aggressive manner, yesterday, while speaking in parliament. He said: “If they [military/ISI] say that they are not under the Ministry of Defence, then we should get out of this slavery, then this parliament has no importance, this system has no importance, then you are not sovereign...They are being paid from the state exchequer, from your revenue and from your taxes. If somebody thinks that they are not under the government, they are mistaken. They are under the government and they remain under the government, because we are the elected representatives of the people of Pakistan.”

That the prime minister made such a statement comes as no surprise given that a Reuters report quoting unnamed military sources claims that the military wants to get rid of President Zardari but through ‘legal means’. In order to oust the president, a two-thirds majority is needed in parliament. It is highly unlikely that the military is looking for that route. On the other hand, the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) looks like it is not ready to go down without a fight. Prime Minister Gilani raised the issue of Osama bin Laden and asked who gave the most wanted terrorist the visa to enter and reside in Pakistan for six years. This was a direct dig at the military and its intelligence agencies. Mr Gilani made it clear that the military is accountable to parliament and that no institution can be a state within a state. In principle he is right, but has this parliament functioned in a way that commands respect from all state institutions and the people is a question to ponder. No one can disagree with the principle of civilian supremacy but Pakistan’s history is witness to how the military holds it in utter contempt and considers itself not to be subservient to the elected representatives. This is something that needs to be changed. The PPP might have asserted itself a bit late but it is good to finally see the government taking the high moral ground. Something is definitely rotten in the state...

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Importance of democracy

2011-12-21T16:03:00.001-08:00

Mian Nawaz Sharif, head of the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), urged the government to hold early elections in order to reduce uncertainty and save democracy. Mr Sharif was clear on one issue when he said, “Whether this government remains or not, the military’s role in politics is unacceptable.” He warned that the country is already facing isolation and another military coup would be a disaster. Over the years, Mr Sharif has been very vocal against a military intervention and an ardent advocate of democracy. This is the right approach but asking for an early election may not be feasible so long as the government enjoys an undisturbed majority. There are those who want new general elections by March 2012 to pre-empt the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) gaining a majority in the Senate elections, given the political arithmetic in the assemblies, federal and provincial. This is a worrying outcome for those who oppose the PPP because with a strengthened PPP presence in the Upper House, the passage of legislation would become relatively easier. Then there are others who want the general elections to be held by the end of 2012. Given the political landscape, if the next elections are held at the end of 2012 or as scheduled in early 2013, we are likely to see a fractured mandate again. Despite the recent successes of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), the PPP and the PML-N are likely to remain the two largest mainstream political parties. If the PPP is able to get a plurality, it could form another coalition government for the next five years.

The next stage in 2013 is the election of the president. The new electoral college for the next presidential elections will already be in place. If the PPP manages to get a majority in the Senate elections in 2012, and a substantive number of seats in the general elections, the new president will be most likely be of the PPP’s choice. The prospects, therefore, for the opponents of the PPP look bleak. But this is what a democratic system is all about. When one subscribes to democracy, no matter what one’s views of the incumbent president or sitting government, the only way to bring about change should be through democratic means. Democracy theoretically offers a level playing field to all contenders. The opponents of the PPP should try to change the political arithmetic instead of resorting to unconstitutional means. Instead of getting agitated by the upcoming Senate elections, let the system function and allow the voters to decide who will rule the country. The PPP government’s performance has not been brilliant, but a free and fair election will determine whether the people want to see them rule the roost again or not. Some parties allege that an election under President Zardari would not be free. Granted that the 2008 electoral rolls comprised a large proportion of invalid voters but that was not the PPP’s doing. General Musharraf was in power then. There is a deeper problem at hand: even before 2008, most of the elections have had fake voters lists. The Supreme Court (SC) has ordered the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) to prepare the revised voters lists by February 23, 2012. This is a mammoth task. Whether the SC extends the date or not, it is important that the voters lists should reflect the genuine electorate in order to facilitate a valid, transparent and credible election.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Mengal’s no-nonsense message

2011-12-21T01:35:00.001-08:00

It was a rare sight to see senior Baloch nationalist leader Sardar Ataullah Mengal in the media. On Monday, Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) chief Mian Nawaz Sharif went to see Mengal sahib in Karachi and later they held a joint press conference. While condemning the killings of Punjabis in Balochistan, Mr Mengal posed a very pertinent question: “People get killed in Karachi and Frontier [Khyber Pakhtunkhwa] every day but our ‘beloved’ army does not react on these killings. Why does it only react in Balochistan? Mutilated bodies [of the Baloch] are found only in Balochistan. I am sorry to say but this army is only for Punjab, not Pakistan. It only reacts when Punjabis are killed. Either that or I am not part of Pakistan,” said Mengal sahib. He further added that “Balochistan has reached a point of no return” and the youth of Balochistan are the ones in control of things and they do not want to remain with Pakistan “because they are being systematically eliminated and forced to seek refuge in the mountains”. Mr Mengal’s hard-hitting statements should serve as an eye-opener for the authorities. Due to the military’s continued atrocities in Balochistan, we are again at a point when the unity of the federation is under threat.

The people of Balochistan have faced state oppression for many decades now. A fifth military operation is currently underway in the province ever since General Musharraf’s tenure. The PPP-led government has not been able to put an end to the military’s brutalities in Balochistan despite introducing the Aghaz-e-Haqooq-e-Balochistan Pakistan, which the Baloch nationalists have dismissed as nothing but a façade. That Mian Nawaz Sharif took the initiative to visit Mengal sahib and reached out to the old Baloch leadership, which is consistent with his attitude towards Balochistan in particular and generally towards the smaller provinces in the past few years even though his party is the ruling party only in Punjab. “We love Balochistan and it is an important part of Pakistan,” said Mr Sharif and he vowed to fight the case of Balochistan in Pakistan. Mr Sharif said that Mengal sahib’s concerns are legitimate and promised to talk to the young Baloch insurgents and address their grievances. To see the leader of a mainstream party showing interest in forming an alliance with Akhtar Mengal, Ataullah Mengal’s son, is also of utmost importance. The Baloch have long suffered at the hands of the military. They have tried to resolve the crisis by taking part in parliamentary politics but had to take up arms once again in the end as a last resort. If the PML-N somehow manages to bring them back into the mainstream and also wins the confidence of those fighting in the mountains in Balochistan, it would be a great achievement. By highlighting the plight of the Baloch openly in the media, Sardar Mengal and Mian Nawaz Sharif have done the necessary and right thing. The rest of Pakistan is being kept in the dark through state propaganda against an indigenous Baloch movement. The military has no right whatsoever to terrorise the Baloch who have only been raising their voice for their just rights.

It is time to put a stop to the military’s highhanded approach towards the Baloch. Only a political solution can help remove the trust deficit between the Baloch insurgents and the federation of Pakistan. The nation must not turn a blind eye to the plight of the Baloch; they deserve our support.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Hate speech at a bigoted rally

2011-12-20T01:31:00.000-08:00

Difa-i-Pakistan Council (Pakistan Defence Council) held a grand rally in Lahore on Sunday. The cast of usual suspects was present, including PDC chairman Maulana Samiul Haq, Jamaat-ud-Dawa (JuD) chief Hafiz Saeed, former ISI chief General Hamid Gul, Ijazul Haq and Sheikh Rashid Ahmed among others. It is beyond comprehension why the Punjab government gave permission to the Difa-i-Pakistan Council to hold a rally when those who were going to address it are people with extreme views. They were bound to cause embarrassment to Pakistan in terms of their hardline stance and condemnation of a number of countries and this is exactly what happened. Vowing to attack the US, Russia, NATO forces and India, these extremists then turned the tirade completely against India. This was expected since the JuD is just a front for the banned terrorist outfit Lashkar-e-Tayyaba (LeT).

At a time when Pakistan is trying to normalise its relations with India in the aftermath of the Mumbai terrorist attacks said to be conducted by the LeT, Hafiz Saeed and company declared jihad against India at the Difa-i-Pakistan Conference. Pakistan is quite rightly trying to resolve disputes with India through political and diplomatic means. Terrorist groups should not be allowed to derail the peace process. Despite being banned by the UN Security Council (UNSC), Pakistan has so far not officially banned the JuD. The PML-N is known to have a soft spot for militant organisations but this does not mean that an ostensibly banned organisation should be allowed to hold rallies in the country. Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) chief Imran Khan could not attend the rally but sent a note that was read out there. PTI’s tacit support of extremist organisations will not do any favours to the party’s image.

Those at the rally condemned the war on terror and urged the government to get rid of it. What they failed to mention was that Pakistan’s role in the war on terror, as opposed to the sacrifices we keep harping on about, has been intervention through its proxies. Over the last 40 years, supporting extremist formulations have led us to a mess. Hate speech by jihadi outfits will further add to Pakistan’s problems.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Political stability

2011-12-19T02:33:00.001-08:00

Memogate has brought the country to a virtual standstill. It is as if an unsigned memo has erased all other issues from our memories. The civilian government is under pressure while there is a motivated campaign to bring about a clash between state institutions. Rumourmongers might have had a field day with the Memogate issue but it is now clear that it was an issue that should never have taken up so much of our energies. Prime Minister Gilani is right when he said that the Memogate fiasco should come to an end following the statement of General James Jones. Those who were wishing for a clash between the military and the government would also be disappointed after army chief General Kayani called President Zardari and enquired about his health. At the time of writing these lines, President Zardari was reportedly coming back to Pakistan. Now that the president is coming back, the issue of his health should be put to rest once and for all. Tensions, if any, between the military and the government seem to have been defused.

Pakistani politics is strange. On the one hand our politicians say they do not want to derail the system but on the other they end up doing exactly that. The PML-N’s petition on the memo issue led to a plethora of controversies. The PML-N claims that knocking on judicial doors was the right of every citizen. Granted that the judiciary is there to protect the rights of the people of Pakistan but taking a political matter to the judiciary was uncalled for. Apart from the PML-N’s petition, Chief Justice (CJ) Iftikhar Chaudhry has taken suo motu notice on a letter by a Canadian citizen of Pakistani origin, and issued notices to President Zardari, Prime Minister Gilani, ISI chief General Shuja Pasha, former ambassador to US Husain Haqqani, the attorney general of Pakistan and others. According to the letter, “Our national security is at stake now [due to the memo] and the politicians are just making fun of each other by asking so-called committees to conduct inquiry…” What the applicant failed to realise is that the veracity of the said memo has so far not been confirmed and parliament is supreme. Thus, a parliamentary committee’s findings should be respected. Such unsubstantiated allegations would not benefit Pakistan; instead they might just lead to further chaos. What Pakistan needs right now is stability and economic development. If the government is constantly under threat of being ousted by undemocratic means, how will it function properly? It is beyond comprehension why we are so impatient as a nation. If the government performs dismally, it can be voted out in the next general elections, which are only 15 months away in any case. The people of Pakistan need to exercise their right to vote in or out a government. No other method or ploy should be used to oust democratically elected governments. Democracy is necessary to address Pakistan’s woes. To undermine democracy is to undermine the people’s power and is a downright insult to the Pakistani nation.

Pakistan cannot afford another military dictatorship. All four dictators who ruled the country left us in a bigger mess. Let democracy prevail.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Claims and counter-claims

2011-12-18T05:39:00.000-08:00

The balloon floated through Memogate has now been pinpricked by its very own author, Mansoor Ijaz. The whole edifice built around the controversial memo is unravelling under the weight of Mr Ijaz’s own contradictions. General James Jones, the intermediary between Ijaz and Admiral Mike Mullen, has declared the memo as unreliable. General Jones said, “At no time during the call do I remember Mr Ijaz mentioning Ambassador Haqqani, and he gave me no reason to believe that he was acting at the direction of Ambassador Haqqani, with his participation, or that Ambassador Haqqani had knowledge of the call or the contents of the message.” Mr Ijaz is not known for his credibility in the first place and with General James’ claim that he thought Ijaz himself wrote the memo, it further makes it clear how one man tried to manipulate many parties and tried to disrupt the system in Pakistan.

Prime Minister Gilani met army chief General Kayani for three hours to discuss the situation. Mr Gilani feels that there is no standoff between the army and the government. It seems that the tensions between the military establishment and the civilian government have defused to a certain extent. That in itself is a positive indicator. The National Assembly also debated the memo issue. PML-N MNA Ayaz Amir voiced his fear that it seems like there is another conspiracy afoot to dislodge a civilian government as happened back in 1977. Even though this is not the PML-N’s official line and is also an alarmist prognosis, all political parties should still pay heed to such warnings and tread with caution. If the PPP-led coalition government is ousted by undemocratic means, it would be a blow to the future of all political parties. Thus, it was not surprising that the PPP’s coalition partners, the ANP and the MQM, have vowed to stand behind the government. Another aspect that has now reared its head is Article 47, which says: “(1) Notwithstanding anything contained in the constitution, the president may, in accordance with the provisions of this Article, be removed from office on the ground of physical or mental incapacity or impeached on a charge of violating the constitution or gross misconduct…” President Zardari has ruled out this option as he is recovering from his illness and will soon be back in the country. The flurry of speculation and the scandalisation of his illness was further fed by media frenzy, especially the electronic media. This is not a good development. Any human being can fall ill and President Zardari is no different. Just because he was incapacitated for a few days does not mean he is not fit to run the country. Making a mountain out of a molehill should be avoided at all costs.

Even though the sense of crisis that had been created in recent days seems to have abated, there are lessons to be learnt from this whole fiasco. One, a clash between the executive and the judiciary and/or government and the military could have been caused due to an unreliable person’s claims. Two, if – God forbid – the democratic system is disrupted due to Ijaz’s claims, it means that anybody can get away with a conspiracy in this land of the pure without credible proof. All state institutions should be on their guard and not let someone with dubious credentials undo a system that has been mandated by the people of Pakistan.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Fall of Dhaka

2011-12-16T15:27:00.000-08:00

December 16, 1971 should serve as a grim reminder to each and every Pakistani of how wrong policies pursued by our military led to the disintegration of Pakistan. Forty years ago, we lost half of our country because General Yahya Khan and his military junta tried to overturn the mandate of the electorate through military means. It may be an extreme example of the arrogance and stupidity of the military junta but at the same time it is a lesson that needs to be learnt if we are to survive as a federation. There was no investigation leading to the events of the brutality committed in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) by Pakistan’s armed forces. The Pakistani nation still remains unaware of exactly what happened, who was responsible for this disaster; instead they are fed lies through state propaganda. Even the findings of the Hamoodur Rehman Commission report were not made public and were indeed suppressed by the Pakistani state back then. When India invaded in support of the Mukti Bahini and the Bengali populace in the then East Pakistan, not a single voice was raised in the entire world for the violation of Pakistani territory. The reason was simple: the atrocities committed by an army against its own people and the influx of Bengali refugees into Indian territory justified the liberation war.

It seems that no lessons have been learnt from the dismemberment of Pakistan 40 years ago. The military establishment continues to ‘solve’ problems and suppress rights through military force. With no resistance from the civilian government, the military is not willing to retreat from its perch. The Baloch are fighting for their just rights. Instead of addressing their genuine grievances, they are subjected to one of the most brutal military operations in our history. What is happening in Balochistan today is no different from what happened back in 1971. The military operation must stop immediately and a political solution should be sought.

Pakistan should also offer an official apology to Bangladesh and its people for we have wronged them in the past. There have been some informal apologies but successive governments have failed to offer an official apology. It would go a long way in ending the bitter hostility between the two nations.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Putting up with bestiality

2011-12-15T02:28:00.000-08:00

Madrassas (religious seminaries) in Pakistan are notorious for many reasons; some term them as jihadi nurseries while others lament the indoctrination of extremist views in young, impressionable minds. Around 50 students, adult men and young boys, were freed from a seminary in Karachi recently. They were chained and mistreated by those who ran the madrassa. “I was kept in the basement for the past month and kept in chains. They also tortured me severely during this period. I was beaten with sticks,” said one of the students. Apparently, most of these students were sent there by their families because of their drug addiction or their involvement in criminal activities. This particular madrassa served as some sort of ‘rehab’ centre. This is just the tip of the iceberg as mistreatment, torture, chaining is quite common in seminaries.

Pakistan is teeming with madrassas. While some of them may actually be doing good work, a lot of these seminaries train young men for jihad, suicide bombing and other terrorist activities. Various studies have been conducted to this effect and in the previous regime there was talk of Madrassa reform but nothing much was done to stop this growing phenomenon. What kind of society do we live in where parents send their children to madrassas to be ‘disciplined’ instead of schools? The fault also lies with the public school system. Poor people cannot afford to send their children to schools and prefer sending them to madrassas that offer free boarding, clothing and food. Apart from physical abuse, many madrassa students are also subjected to sexual abuse. Western societies reach out to the victims of abuse, nurture them and rehabilitate them but in Pakistan the exact opposite happens. One, young victims of abuse rarely talk about abuse and two, they are scarred for the rest of their lives. If their families cannot help them, the state and society must come forward and save the future of these children. Have some morality and conscience, please!

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Pragmatism instead of emotionalism

2011-12-14T01:38:00.001-08:00

The envoys moot held in Islamabad to review Pakistan’s foreign policy, especially now that we have adopted a confrontational posture vis-à-vis our relations with the US, has delivered a cautionary message. One of the envoys reportedly said, “We want peaceful, positive and balanced relations with the US based on mutual respect and mutual interest as no relationship can be sustained for long if it is one-sided.” Reportedly, most envoys were in favour of adopting a considered, pragmatic approach rather than knee-jerk reactions. Finance Minister Abdul Hafeez Sheikh warned that a complete breakdown of Pak-US relations would be nothing less than a blunder given that Pakistan’s economy is heavily dependent on foreign aid, especially from the US. Ambassador Munter has recently given some positive statements regarding bilateral ties and underlined the need for reviving the relationship. Foreign Minister Hina Rabbani Khar said that the final decision on foreign policy was parliament’s mandate. Ms Khar said that neither does Pakistan want to sever relations with any country nor does it want a conflict or war with any state. Prime Minister Gilani said that we want good relations with all countries and no decision will be taken without the mandate of the people. He said that there would be no compromise on the country’s dignity and sovereignty. The recommendations of the envoys moot would now be presented to parliament and the national security committee. So far it seems the government is in favour of what the All-Parties Conference (APC) decided a few months ago and looking towards the recommendations of the Defence Committee of the Cabinet (DCC).

As far as the APC is concerned, its recommendations are not directly related to our relationship with the US. Indirectly, though, these recommendations may lead to peace deals with the local Taliban, thereby withdrawing the selective military pressure in the tribal areas. This could affect the peace process in Afghanistan and put more pressure on the foreign forces. When it comes to the DCC’s decisions, so far the NATO supply routes have not been reopened, Shamsi airbase has been vacated by the Americans and a threat to retaliate against any further attacks has been delivered by an unnamed military official. The real issue is that the stakes are very high for both sides. Further misunderstandings, friction and anger are not going to help. The US’s insensitivity after last month’s NATO attack did not help. Whether the attack was accidental, a result of the fog of war, or deliberate, only an investigation would reveal. But if President Obama had called President Zardari and admitted that a mistake had been made, things may have been different. That domestic politics led President Obama to take a hardline position was a folly as it seemed the US was semi-justifying the attack. It was then all but inevitable that tempers would rise in Pakistan.

This anger provided the opening for an orchestrated campaign against the US by the military establishment. Our foreign and security policies are not in the civilian government’s hands in any case, but now the orchestrated campaign to stand behind the military has been successful, as the civilian politicians across the board have endorsed it. If the military has finally hitched the political class to its bandwagon, this leaves little room for dissent. If anything, this makes it even more imperative to examine foreign policy rationally on the touchstone of Pakistan’s interests. Our military is fundamentally imbued with India-phobia and an illusion that a pliant government in Kabul can be implanted through the Afghan Taliban proxies. In fact, such postures would only condemn the country to hurtle down a slippery slope to international isolation and possible disaster. It is in our long-term interests to review our policy of strategic depth in Afghanistan and the military’s obsession with India as a permanent enemy.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Peace talks, again?!

2011-12-13T04:15:00.001-08:00

Interior Minister Rehman Malik’s controversial statement where he thanked the Taliban for not attacking the Shias in Muharram set off a round of speculations. Reports started to emerge that the government was in negotiations with the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), a tried and old policy that has so far failed to bring about any positive results. The TTP in Bajaur first announced that it was indeed talking to the government but another TTP spokesman denied this. It seems that the TTP is now speaking with many voices, which may indicate a splintering of the militants into various factions. This makes it difficult for the government to negotiate with them but at the same time may make it relatively easier to deal with the Taliban militarily. Mr Malik also denied any talks were underway and said, “If the TTP surrenders, the government would definitely consider talks.” Leaving the door open for those who want to come in out of the cold is wise in any counterinsurgency, but never have the Taliban laid down their arms in the past. The TTP may be considered ‘bad Taliban’ in our official parlance but the hopes of the Pakistani authorities that they would somehow transform into the ‘good Taliban’ is incorrect and flawed. The nexus between the local Taliban extends to the so-called ‘good’ Afghan Taliban and even al Qaeda. The concept of good Taliban is wrong as they are anything but good! This is a mistake that persists despite all the evidence to the contrary.

The Taliban are made up of intransigent forces and without hard measures, they will not give up terrorism. The TTP has found sanctuaries across the Durand Line thanks to the Afghan Taliban. Some ‘stick’ needs to be administered in order to get positive results. Peace deals have only strengthened the Taliban in the past and they have come out stronger after buying some time to regroup. To put an end to this menace, military means cannot be dispensed with. Pakistan has already made far too many concessions to the Taliban. We should learn from our mistakes instead of committing the same blunders again and again.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Reorganisation of the PML-N

2011-12-11T15:33:00.001-08:00

Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) chief Mian Nawaz Sharif has tried to reorganise his party ever since he got back from his exile during the Musharraf years. The PML-N faced a major setback in all four provinces during those years and disintegrated despite being the country’s second largest mainstream party. After forming a provincial government in Punjab, the party was able to reintegrate in Punjabi politics but in order to be a national party, it knows that being a rump in central Punjab would not do the trick; all other provinces are equally important. Thus we saw Mian sahib going to Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Balochistan and Sindh from time to time. Mian Nawaz Sharif’s recent rally in Larkana, stronghold of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), was an effort at mobilising support for his party in Sindh. Larkana is said to be a no-go-area for other parties because nobody can rout the PPP from that area. Thus it is important to place the PML-N’s rally in that context as it is another indication of Mr Sharif’s determination and his plan to reorganise his party in Sindh.

The turnout at Larkana was huge. Considering the state of the party in Sindh, it was a surprise but the reasons for such a large gathering should be explored. Even though Sindh is said to be the PPP’s stronghold, a lot of Sindhis are quite unhappy with the party these days on the question of local bodies system and the re-demarcation of Sindh's electoral constituency by Musharraf to benefit his ally, the MQM. The PPP has tried to appease the MQM ever since it came to power in 2008 but this has alienated its Sindhi base to quite a large extent. Speaking at the rally, Mr Sharif said: “Sindh is changing, Pakistan is changing and Larkana is also changing... I do not want power; you (the people) are my power.” Mr Sharif made it a point to talk about Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto’s assassination and how four years would have passed this month and yet her killers are free. General Musharraf was allowed a safe exit with full honours because of some backdoor deal at the army’s insistence. Back in 2008, the PPP government was obviously too weak to resist the army’s diktat as it was freshly in office trying to find its feet and working out a relationship with the military. Since the fingers point right at the top, in this case General Musharraf, in Ms Bhutto’s murder, it may well be the reason why her killers have not been caught. Musharraf is also accused of Nawab Akbar Bugti’s murder and as the buck stops at the top, the demand to bring him back to Pakistan and face trial in both cases is justified. The PPP should follow the judicial process to its logical end. The demand to catch Ms Bhutto’s killers is not just emanating from Sindh but all over Pakistan as she was the country’s top democratic leader. There is not just a need for closure but the conspiracy behind BB’s murder also needs to be made public. The masterminds behind her assassination need to be brought to book.

Mian Nawaz Sharif was impressed with BB’s political acumen and wisdom. When he signed the Charter of Democracy (CoD) with Ms Bhutto, it was all but clear how both rivals had dealt with the ghosts of the past and were ready to move on towards a common path. The CoD gave credence to the hope that political forces will not allow themselves to be manipulated by the military against each other ever again as the CoD placed the problem of the military’s dominance centrestage. In the interests of justice and the forward march to democracy and rule of law, it is important that the political forces must oppose military dictatorship and the damage it has done to the country in the last 64 years. The PPP should respect the CoD its late leader signed with the PML-N in order to safeguard democracy.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

President Zardari’s comeback

2011-12-11T01:05:00.001-08:00

President Asif Ali Zardari said that his “enemies will be disappointed” because he is recovering and will soon return to Pakistan. Mr Zardari told an anchorperson that those who run away do so with their families but he left his son in Pakistan. It is good to know that the president is feeling better now and we wish him a speedy recovery. This has also put to rest all those rumours, speculations and motivated agendas, the authors of which were frothing at the mouth about the president’s well-being and purported ‘developments’ in the offing. While such rumour-mongering must be condemned, it would be advisable for the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) to learn a lesson from this furore. When the president flew out to Dubai, we saw contradictory statements coming from the presidential spokesman and other government and party officials. It would have been better if an authoritative official statement had been issued to scotch any rumours and speculations. In this day and age of the media revolution, when even social networking sites can lead to further fog and confusion, it is advisable for all political parties, especially the ruling party, to appoint one spokesperson who would inform the public well in time of any new developments. The irresponsibility of the media and populace aside, the government should also take some responsibility in this regard and not mishandle any such situation in future.

On the other hand, President Zardari’s announcement that he will be back soon has blackened the faces of all those scandal-mongers who were looking forward to ousting the president and the government one way or the other. Ever since the PPP-led government took office after the 2008 elections, it has faced adverse reactions from many quarters, including the media. Every other day we heard analysts giving a timeframe for when this government would fall. Nevertheless, it has survived to date and looks likely to complete its tenure. Those who wanted a military-judicial alliance to turf out the government are also in for disappointment as Chief Justice (CJ) Iftikhar Chaudhry reiterated that there are limits for every institution as per the constitution and all institutions should stay within their parameters so that the country can progress. CJ Chaudhry observed that our nation can achieve political stability, economic development and prosper if we adhere to the dictates of the constitution. The Opposition is also not in the mood to derail democracy. This is substantiated by Mian Nawaz Sharif’s politically mature statements. The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) may have gone to the Supreme Court with its Memogate petition but this move cannot be taken as an outright demand to oust the government. Their lordships and the Opposition are not willing to derail democracy. And why should they? Any move leading to the destruction of the democratic process will in effect be as damaging to the opposition parties and the independence of the judiciary as it would the incumbents. It was only wishful thinking on the part of Zardari-haters that the judiciary and the PPP’s rival political parties, especially the PML-N, would help the undemocratic forces.

Pakistan is no stranger to military interventions, be they direct or indirect. More than three decades have been spent under direct military rule and the other three decades have been spent with the military meddling in political affairs. Now that a democratic dispensation is in place after almost a decade of military dictatorship, it should be given a chance to complete its tenure. Impatience is not the answer; the ballot box is.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Political maturity

2011-12-10T03:48:00.001-08:00

If there is one thing in Pakistan that is constant, it is the interference of an-all powerful military establishment in politics. Thus it was good to see Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) chief Mian Nawaz Sharif asking the nation to stand united against another martial law, which he said the country cannot afford. Mr Sharif has shown political maturity over the years, especially after signing the Charter of Democracy (CoD) with late Benazir Bhutto. The opposition’s right to oppose the incumbents and/or expose the government’s failings is legitimate under a democratic order. If exercised within the bounds and norms of democracy, there is nothing wrong with it. Indeed, it is the duty of the opposition to point out misgovernance in order to improve the system. In the 1990s, this right was misused and in fact transgressed to derail the democratic system. Mr Sharif has been consistently asking for a redressal of the civil-military imbalance and civilian supremacy. This is why he recently came under fire for filing a petition in the Supreme Court to investigate the Memogate scandal.

“We do not want political mileage by exploiting the memo issue,” said Mr Sharif. On the surface, it seems that the hardliners in the PML-N persuaded Mr Sharif to go for this petition but when public opinion denounced this decision, the PML-N chief realised his mistake. Interestingly, it was reported that even from within his own party, Mr Sharif faced a lot of criticism. The Memogate scandal was a political issue. Involving the judiciary was not needed. The PML-N made a hasty decision despite the fact that the prime minister had ordered an inquiry into the event, Mr Haqqani had resigned from his post as ambassador to the US, and this issue had been referred to parliament’s committee on national security. It is embarrassing for the judicial forum as well to get involved in a political matter when the judiciary would rather remain within its own parameters and not start another executive versus judiciary clash. Since the petition cannot be taken back as it would further compound the error, Mr Sharif is now making it clear that he does not want to derail democracy and will not stand behind any military misadventure. Mr Sharif has had a very sobering experience after his government was ousted in 1999 through a military coup by General Musharraf. Now he realises that all political forces need to strengthen the democratic system instead of rocking the boat.

It was sad to see how some people bade farewell to their humanity, moral, ethical, religious values and wished ill of the president. On top of that, gossipmongers and visceral haters of the PPP and the president had a field day. All speculations about President Zardari are pie in the sky without reference to the facts. Facts really do not matter to those who have a vested interest in rolling back the democratic process. Mr Sharif knows from personal experience that it is not just the PPP or PML-N that stand to lose in case democracy is threatened, the entire political class loses out in such a scenario. After Prime Minister Gilani called Mr Sharif and broke the ice, it seems that steps are being taken to caution and unite all political parties against undemocratic moves by certain quarters. Being the second largest mainstream political party, Mr Sharif’s opposition to another military dictatorship is welcome. Welcome back to the fold, Mr Sharif, and kindly stay the course!

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Rumours, rumours

2011-12-09T04:39:00.001-08:00

President Asif Ali Zardari had not even reached Dubai when people started to speculate why he had ‘left’ Pakistan in such a hurry. The president was going to address the joint session of parliament after Ashura (the 10th day of Muharram) but now he had taken off just like that. News started to trickle in that Mr Zardari had been taken ill suddenly and thus flown out to Dubai to get some medical tests done.

In a country that is no stranger to palace intrigues, the president’s sudden departure, even if for medical treatment, triggered rumours. Rumours of an impending coup started pouring in on social media websites. As if that was not enough, a story in the American magazine, Foreign Policy, speculating about the president being on his ‘way out’ of power, led the local Pakistani media to come up with one theory after another. It was as if a section of the media could not wait for Mr Zardari’s ouster. Speculations by the ignorant and ill-informed is one thing but the game gets dangerous once the motivated jump into the fray and start to spread all sorts of ‘news’.

The Prime Minister House finally issued a statement on Wednesday saying that the president “went to Dubai following symptoms related to his pre-existing heart condition”. Mr Zardari’s condition is now stable but it is likely that he will remain in the hospital for a few days.

Apart from the irresponsible speculation going around, what was most disturbing was how some people had no qualms in wishing ill of (and for) the president. One is free to like or dislike an individual and/or have an opinion about someone, be it the president or the army chief. When one actually salivates at the thought of another human being’s ill health and consequent developments, it is disgusting to say the least. It seems that some people have dumped their humanity in a garbage can and find nothing wrong with justifying such ‘thoughts’, if they can indeed be called that. We should really be worried about this rising moral decay in our society.

In his television programme ‘Aapas ki Baat’ on December 7, veteran journalist Mr Najam Sethi said that there was more to it than just the president’s illness. Mr Sethi was of the opinion that the president is under pressure to resign but if push comes to shove, the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) will take to the streets and play the ‘Sindh card’. It all now depends on the Supreme Court of Pakistan and the Memogate petition that is currently before it. If, somehow, the Supreme Court comes up with an adverse decision, Mr Zardari will not quit come what may; the PPP will not take it lying down and without a fight.

This does not bode well for democracy in Pakistan. It seems that we are almost on the verge of rolling back the democratic era that was ushered in after nine years of General Musharraf’s military dictatorship. In the event something happens to this government, it is not yet clear whether there will be a ‘Bangladesh Model,’ with a military-backed government in place, or whether new elections will be called.

Those who are calling the shots in this entire saga are sitting safely ensconced in the GHQ in Rawalpindi. It is always these high and mighty generals who end up derailing the democratic system one way or the other. Unfortunately, some from our political class end up betraying their counterparts in a bid to secure a place for themselves in the echelons of power. We have seen in the past how democratically elected governments were toppled after their rival political parties sought the help of the military establishment. In order to secure their own vested interests, they did exactly what the military top brass asked of them. This is something Pakistan can ill-afford again.

Today, our economy is in doldrums, terrorists are out on the loose, sectarian conflict has reared its head again, the military’s ‘kill and dump’ policy in Balochistan has escalated the separatist sentiment in the province, minorities are being target killed and there is a possibility of a confrontation with the world’s sole superpower. The future of Pakistan looks bleak. Without a strong democracy in place, we cannot overturn the tide of crises. If the political class do not pay heed to the signs and fail to stand united, the ensuing damage to democracy in Pakistan would be too complex to be undone.

(Originally published in Mid-Day)

Ethics and responsibility

2011-12-07T14:23:00.001-08:00

President Asif Ali Zardari’s sudden ailment led to a plethora of rumours. Instead of wishing the president a speedy recovery, rumourmongers had a field day with the news of his illness. From social networking sites to local and international media, everyone was off and running about the ouster of President Zardari and a ‘soft coup’ as he had left the country for medical treatment. In all this media frenzy, confusion ensued. Putting an end to speculations, the Prime Minister House released a statement that said, “The president went to Dubai following symptoms related to his pre-existing heart condition. The president will remain under observation and return to resume his normal functions as advised by the doctors.” President Zardari’s condition is said to be stable now and he will hopefully be discharged from hospital in the next few days. What remains unstable, though, is the condition of all those who are in the habit of churning out rumours in this land of the pure. What people fail to realise is that the implications of every rumour and purported news can be serious in some cases. Experienced media practitioners know that disseminating news based on mere speculation is not just unethical but a speculative rumour can sometimes become a self-fulfilling prophecy. Thus, honest and credible journalists/analysts do not give credence to conspiracy theories. Responsible media personnel are also aware that believing the worst of everything is not good. But what we saw in Pakistan was the exact opposite of anything ‘responsible’. Irresponsibility, immaturity and speculation were rife left, right and centre. New means of communication such as Twitter and Facebook were feeding into this. Social media is a great tool for raising awareness and sharing information, but only if used in a constructive manner. Gossip and scandal mongering discredits those who indulge in such practices. In a country like Pakistan, such things are common practice but it is time to change this attitude and adopt responsibility and ethics.

It was also disgusting to see a section of the media and society salivating at the thought of the president’s illness and consequent ‘developments’ in case something went wrong. It seems that humanity has taken leave of this country and there is no respect for human life. President Zardari is a democratically elected president; neither is he someone who came to power via the backdoor nor is he a military dictator. Dragging down the dignity of the office of the president just because some people do not like the individual at the helm of affairs is rather unfortunate. A speculative story about Mr Zardari on his way out was published in Foreign Policy magazine and was endorsed by the local media as gospel truth. Moves to somehow bring the whole edifice crashing down based on personal likes/dislikes and ‘wishful thinking’ will only benefit the undemocratic forces. In order to strengthen our institutions, the democratic system in Pakistan needs continuity. Talk of following the ‘Bangladesh Model’ is rife, yet we remain oblivious to the fact that it has failed spectacularly in that country and is therefore likely to fail here as well. If some people are unhappy with the incumbents, they should wait for the next general elections and vote them out through the ballot box. Relying on unconstitutional moves is dangerous. More than three decades of direct military rule should have served as a bitter lesson for our political class and citizens. Unfortunately, it looks like we are hell bent on repeating the same mistakes over and over again.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Afghanistan’s future: looming shadows

2011-12-06T02:27:00.001-08:00

When the US-led NATO forces invaded Afghanistan in 2001 after the 9/11 attacks, the world community put its weight behind the invasion and occupation and vowed to help bring democracy to the country. The foreign forces were able to get rid of the Taliban government and install in its place a democratic dispensation, but the pledges made at Bonn I and other such international conferences never materialised. Now the world community is regretting its decision not to implement a Marshall Plan in Afghanistan. Economic help aside, there were no measures taken for capacity building in the war-torn country. Now when the Afghan endgame is looming, these shortcomings are haunting the world. The world community has gathered in Bonn to discuss the future of Afghanistan. Pakistan decided to boycott the conference to protest the NATO attack that killed 24 Pakistani soldiers. It is very unlikely that the Bonn Conference will deliver any results, with or without Pakistan’s presence. At the recent Istanbul Conference, despite Pakistan’s participation — or maybe due to it — the regional players were not successful in mapping out a new regional mechanism vis-à-vis Afghanistan. It would not be wrong to say that Pakistan sabotaged the conference by digging in its heels on various key issues. Such conferences are usually an exercise in futility and there is much sound and fury signifying nothing. The Bonn Conference without the presence of Pakistan and the Taliban is like playing Hamlet without the Prince of Denmark. How will the world community achieve anything when Pakistan’s military establishment and the Afghan Taliban are on the one side and the rest on the other?

Afghanistan needs the world community’s support pre- and post-2014, otherwise Afghanistan can collapse once the foreign troops leave. “If we lose this fight, we are threatened with a return to a situation like that before September 11, 2001,” Afghan President Hamid Karzai warned at the Bonn Conference. Mr Karzai was referring to a Taliban comeback in case the world abandons Afghanistan post-2014 troops withdrawal. He is right. The Taliban could roll them over in no time. An actual settlement in Afghanistan is difficult under the circumstances, especially when the Taliban are not on board and waiting in the shadows to come to power again. Iraq and Libya are prime examples of how direct or indirect foreign invasion leads to devastating consequences for a country’s future. Iraq is in a precarious situation after the withdrawal of foreign troops. Despite General Petraeus’ somewhat successful strategy of engaging local tribes to quell the Sunni uprising in Iraq, the country lies devastated with a dysfunctional government in place. In Libya, the west unleashed brutal forces in its obsession to get rid of Colonel Gaddafi. The chaos in Libya is now even more intense than that in Iraq. What the foreign troops are leaving behind in Afghanistan is also chaos.

If Pakistan is not onboard, particularly now when it has adopted a confrontational policy, there will be a new civil war in Afghanistan post-2014. The only way to avoid such a scenario would be if the west stays the course by supporting the Afghan government and its people. The mistakes they made in 1989 must not be repeated. Afghanistan does not deserve to be left at the mercy of medieval zealots. The Afghan Taliban, if and when they come back to power, will be more than happy to host al Qaeda again. Thus, it is pertinent that the world community stays the course and also stops Pakistan from pursuing its strategic depth policy. The task is tough but not unachievable.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Muharram security and sectarian attacks

2011-12-04T22:14:00.001-08:00

Human Rights Watch (HRW) has demanded that “the Pakistani government should urgently act to protect Shia Muslims in Pakistan from sectarian attacks during the Muslim holy month of Muharram”. In the ‘Islamic Republic of Pakistan’, not many people feel safe due to the rise in terrorism, but if you are an ethnic or religious minority, your life is even more at risk. Muharram is the first month of the Islamic calendar and also the month when Hazrat Imam Hussain (RA) and his family were martyred by Yazid and his forces. Muslims all over the world observe the month of Muharram to commemorate the supreme sacrifice of Hazrat Imam Hussain (RA), the grandson of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH). Shia Muslims in particular pay special homage to Imam Hussain (RA). Majaalis, processions and other such activities are held all across Pakistan during this month; the first 10 days of Muharram are observed with great reverence. The Wahabi school of thought in Islam is intolerant towards the Shias due to theological differences. In Pakistan, the Shias and Sunnis lived in peace and harmony for decades but ever since the days of General Ziaul Haq, sectarian violence and religious intolerance has deeply penetrated our society.

This year, Muharram started on a sad note with an attack on Shias in Karachi. Two scouts on Muharram duty lost their lives while 11 people were injured. Then on Thursday, the police in Karachi foiled a terrorist attack on Shia Imambargahs. The vigilance of the security forces is a welcome development but despite security measures, Muharram processions were attacked in the last two years. In view of this, the security forces must take stringent steps to ensure that nothing untoward takes place this time around. It is a tough task but must be undertaken in order to protect the lives of innocent citizens.

Sunni extremist groups like the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) and Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) operate freely on Pakistani soil despite being banned organisations. Due to their activities, sectarian conflict has now transmogrified into a concentrated anti-Shia campaign. According to HRW, there were at least 18 attacks on Shias this year and “at least 275 Shias, mostly of Hazara ethnicity, have been killed in sectarian attacks in the southwestern province of Balochistan alone since 2008”. This is serious. So far the authorities have not taken sufficient steps to curb Shia massacres being carried out in Balochistan and Parachinar. Both these areas are manned heavily by the military. When banned outfits like the LeJ and SSP get away scot-free after targeted killings of Shia citizens under the military’s watch in Balochistan and Parachinar, it means these terrorist organisations either have the support of our security establishment and/or the law enforcement agencies do not value the lives of Shias. The government must launch a nationwide crackdown on all sectarian outfits and bring an end to Shia massacre.

It is a shame that ours is a country where even the dead are not allowed to rest in peace. The recent incident of an attack on an Ahmedi graveyard by unknown people who demolished 29 graves is despicable to say the least. These are crimes against humanity and must be condemned in the strongest possible words. But condemnation is not enough. The authorities must take action against those responsible for such vile acts. It is the responsibility of the government to protect the lives of all Pakistanis, no matter which sect, religion, ethnicity they belong to.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Isolation looms in pursuit of ‘strategic depth’

2011-12-04T00:52:00.001-08:00

The anger in Pakistan over the deadly NATO attack that killed 24 Pakistani soldiers is justified but in its wake it has led to some unwise decisions being taken by our government and military leadership. In the midst of conflicting claims by the US-led NATO forces and Pakistan in the shape of accusations and counter-accusations, Pakistan has refused to cooperate in the investigations. If the foreign troops provided wrong information about the area of operation to Pakistani officials, it must be thoroughly investigated by both sides why such a huge mistake was made in the first place. By refusing to cooperate, Pakistan is losing its chance to press its point. Not only that, the decision to not participate in the Bonn Conference on Afghanistan, whether advertently or inadvertently, our leadership is giving an impression that it does not want to settle the Afghan issue but might want to take it in another direction altogether. If the international community and regional stakeholders reach a decision at the Bonn Conference, though unlikely, it may turn out that they will not consider Pakistan to be a peace partner. In that case, Pakistan may come out looking like an enemy. There is already a perception that we are not part of the solution but rather part of the problem. Boycotting the Bonn Conference may well lead to solidifying this view. In the end, if this perception grows internationally, we will be tipped into isolation.

The Pakistan Army is already accused of supporting and backing the Taliban insurgency in Afghanistan. We may well be facing sanctions and aid cuts in the precarious position of being charged by the world community with supporting terrorism. Thus, Pakistan’s future looks bleak in such an eventuality. Instead of non-cooperation, here is our chance to present our side of the story to the world if our civilian leadership chooses to participate in the Bonn Conference. Granted that the civilian government is more or less helpless in stopping the military top brass from engaging in its disastrous strategic depth policy in Afghanistan, but it should not raise the risks by not being part of a discussion on Afghanistan’s future. Pakistan’s military also needs to get its act together and stop pretending that its policies have benefitted the country. Conquest by proxy wars must be ended if we are to survive as a nation. In their bid to bleed its archenemy, India, the military top brass has not only damaged Pakistan’s reputation but has led to senseless violence both in and outside the country. We must not forget that such policies are fraught with the threat of international isolation.

There is another worrying dimension to the NATO attack. The refusal to offer a concrete apology to Pakistan by the US administration shows that the Americans have lost patience and will not tolerate our double game any longer. It shows that the hardliners have seemingly won the debate in the US and also means that there could be more such deadly incursions in the future. In order to avoid such a confrontational attitude, Pakistan must think rationally and the Afghans must be allowed to determine their own future without having to constantly worry about Pakistan’s activities in their country. Peace can only prevail if we end our ‘games’ and scrap the strategic depth policy.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Civilians: the only ones ‘accountable’

2011-11-25T13:47:00.001-08:00

Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani said the government faces no threat from any scandal and those targeting the government will be disappointed. He was confident that the next general elections will take place in 2013 as per schedule. All this is all very well, but when Mr Gilani said that the military and civilian leadership are on the same page on national issues, it begs the question: how so? How is the military on the same page as the civilian government? If it means that the government is on the military’s page, then that is more accurate because whenever it comes to the military’s sins of omission and commission, their leadership is let off the hook. Remember the Abbottabad raid or the Mehran base attack? Who in the military was made accountable? No one. When the military’s morale was at its weakest after the May 2 raid, it was a golden opportunity for the civilian leadership to take back what rightly belongs to the democratic government under our constitution: decision-making powers across the board. Instead, what we saw was the PPP government standing behind the military, consequently strengthening its hand even further. As far as this government goes, there is only one page, which says: appeasement of the military. First it happened in parliament and then at the All-Parties Conference (APC). Both times the PPP government brought grist to the military’s mill. Whether this was done for the consideration that this would help the government complete its tenure or pressure from the military establishment or both is anyone’s guess. What can be said with certainty is that had the government taken a bold step by making the military accountable, the people of Pakistan would have stood by the civilian leadership. The chances of that happening now, especially after the ‘Memogate’ scandal, look slim.

“If [Husain] Haqqani remained as the ambassador, it would have influenced the inquiry,” said Prime Minister Gilani. Why is it that the civilians always have to be made accountable at the drop of a hat while the powerful military can get away with anything and everything? Mr Haqqani said he decided to resign “to bring closure to this meaningless controversy threatening our fledgling democracy”. In principle, his decision is sensible but some sections of the media have taken it upon themselves to pronounce him guilty even before any proper enquiry has been conducted. Now the Right is out in full force to somehow topple this government. This is the kind of opportunity that the undemocratic forces are always waiting for. Any attempt to dislodge an already weak civilian set-up will benefit the military establishment. The political class would do itself a favour by not giving in to the anti-PPP hype and let the government complete its tenure. When politicians jump in the fray to make a democratically elected government weak on any and every excuse, the undemocratic forces take charge.

Civilian supremacy should be the target of all politicians, both in and out of power. The only way to make Pakistan a strong, progressive country lies in the civilian leadership wresting its legitimate supremacy from the overweening military. The military has its vested interests in keeping the political class on its toes all the time. The PML-N should not fall for this trap again. Mian Nawaz Sharif has been consistent in his stance on civil-military relations; he should not give in to the anti-democratic forces now just because of the upcoming Senate elections in March 2012. The Opposition as well as other political parties should let the electorate decide in the next elections who rules.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Memogate: storm in a teacup?

2011-11-25T01:43:00.001-08:00

A memo, allegedly written at the behest of President Asif Zardari and approved by Pakistan’s former ambassador to the United States, Mr Husain Haqqani, has seemingly riled up the country’s military establishment. The memo was delivered to the then American military chief, Admiral Mike Mullen, through a Pakistani-American businessman, Mansoor Ijaz. According to Mr Ijaz, the Pakistani government feared a military coup after the Abbottabad raid earlier this year in May. The memo asks for American help in stopping the Pakistan Army from staging a coup. In return, the civilians ‘promised’ to eliminate terrorism from Pakistani soil, among other things.

Mr Haqqani has categorically denied his involvement in this issue. Mr Ijaz, known for his anti-ISI and anti-Pak army views, apparently met ISI chief General Shuja Pasha and handed him some kind of ‘evidence’ corroborating his side of the story. An investigation will now take place in Pakistan to ascertain the facts. Mr Haqqani has returned to Pakistan to face an inquiry. On November 22 he resigned from his diplomatic post. In an interview with Yahoo News, he said, “I have resigned to bring closure to this meaningless controversy threatening our fledgling democracy. A transparent inquiry will strengthen the hands of elected leaders whom I strived to empower.” This seems to be a sensible move but it also raises many questions.

The detractors of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) are baying for blood and calling it high treason. But until and unless the investigations prove Mansoor Ijaz’s story, we cannot jump to conclusions about the veracity of ‘Memogate’, as this scandal has been dubbed by the media. As far as the contents of the memo are concerned, they are not treasonous. In fact, the points raised in the memo are pertinent to civilian supremacy. This is the core issue.

Four military dictators – General Ayub Khan, General Yahya Khan, General Zia-ul-Haq and General Pervez Musharraf – ruled Pakistan for 33 years. Apart from three decades of direct military rule, our army has also been calling the shots one way or the other. Apart from Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s tenure, no other democratically elected government has had complete control over its policies, especially when it comes to foreign affairs and security issues. The PPP-led coalition government came into power in 2008 and from the very first day moves were afoot to destabilise democracy. Somehow, it has survived up till now. Whether it will be able to complete its five-year tenure cannot be said with certainty. Apart from palace intrigues, domestic politics has also heated up. The main Opposition party, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), is wary of the PPP gaining an upper hand in the upcoming Senate elections in March 2012. So far Mian Nawaz Sharif has played a pragmatic role by not derailing the democratic process but it seems that the rising popularity of Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) has shaken the confidence of the ruling party in Punjab. There are speculations that the PML-N is now considering resigning en masse from the federal and provincial assemblies before March. This does not bode well for democracy in Pakistan.

The reason for the imbalance in the civil-military relations is due to the fact that democracy has never been allowed to take root in the country. We have seen in the past that whenever politicians try to bring each other down, they cede space to the undemocratic forces. The only beneficiary of such catfights is the military establishment. Memogate has damaged the credibility of the civilian government. Mr Haqqani was its first victim but he will not be the only one. The real victim is the entire political class.

On November 23, the government of Pakistan announced Ms Sherry Rehman’s name as Mr Haqqani’s replacement in Washington. Despite her impeccable credentials as a leading politician, journalist and human rights activist, the Jinnah Institute – Ms Rehman’s think tank – has come under some criticism for promoting the establishment’s security policies. In her appointment, some analysts believe, the military seems to have won once again. Mr Haqqani was not much liked in the establishment circles because of his independent thinking and for promoting the interests of the civilian government in the international arena. On the day he resigned, Mr Haqqani tweeted, “I have much to contribute to building a new Pakistan free of bigotry & intolerance. Will focus energies on that.” While Mr Haqqani focuses his energies on building a new Pakistan, the country’s political class should focus its energies on civil-military relations and achieving civilian supremacy.

(Originally published in Mid-Day)

Baloch blood on our hands

2011-11-20T15:13:00.001-08:00

Finally the Federal Ministry of Human Rights has woken up to the woes of the people of Balochistan and taken notice of the rising number of deaths in the province. The human rights ministry has decided to form a task force that will probe human rights violations in Pakistan’s largest province. A report was earlier compiled by the interior ministry’s Crisis Management Cell (CMC). According to this report, Rs 900 million has been spent by deploying 17 regular units and paramilitary troops to put an end to rising violence in Balochistan. This is astonishing considering that the money is being spent on the same forces that the Baloch people hold responsible for their miseries. A military operation is going on in the province and the ‘kill and dump’ policy being pursued by the military and its intelligence agencies is no secret. Various NGOs and human rights organisations, both local and international, have documented this in their reports. The human rights ministry’s task force needs to take into account how deploying more paramilitary troops is part of the problem, not part of the solution, to the ongoing crisis in Balochistan. Although it is not in the hands of the federal and/or the provincial governments to end the military operation since they do not call the shots when it comes to the military’s policies, it is pertinent for the human rights ministry to act according to its nomenclature by persuading GHQ that its policies in Balochistan are hurting the federation.

Killing innocent Baloch whose only fault is to ask for their basic and just rights is criminal. Thousands of Baloch are missing. Tortured and bullet-riddled bodies of Baloch missing persons are found every other day in the province. Under these circumstances, pursuing a repressive policy is not just the height of injustice but also a threat to the country’s unity. The military made the same mistake in East Pakistan. Instead of learning from past mistakes, our military keeps making new and more senseless mistakes.

The need of the hour is to stop the military operation at once. The Frontier Corps (FC) has terrorised the Baloch for many years now. It is time to stop their brutal activities. Kidnapping, torturing and murdering our own Baloch brethren is not something that can be allowed to take place. Baloch insurgents have taken up arms in frustration. The calls for ‘freedom’ are a result of the FC’s ‘kill and dump’ policy.

Trying to solve the crisis in Balochistan through military means is a disaster waiting to happen. This is the fifth military operation in Balochistan. The last four operations only alienated the Baloch further and this one could well be the last nail in the federation’s coffin. A political solution is the only way out of this quagmire. Talking to the Baloch leadership — those in the mountains and those in exile — can bring peace pack. The democratically elected civilian government may be weak but it should not sweep this issue under the carpet because in the end, the blood of the Baloch will be on the hands of the whole Pakistani nation that silently watched this massacre and did not raise its voice. Let us not bloody our hands any further; let us raise our hands for justice instead.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Civil-military relations: cul de sac?

2011-11-19T15:01:00.001-08:00

Memogate: one word that is being repeated again and again throughout Pakistan. It seems that most people have already reached their own conclusions and are baying for blood. Treason, they shout. When asked, what about evidence and a fair trial? They are least bothered about the nitty-gritty. They believe in ‘swift (in)justice’. Sensibility is something missing from our usual discourse. Thus, Mian Nawaz Sharif’s suggestion that a high level committee comprising civil society members, senior judges and members of the national and provincial assemblies should investigate the Memogate issue should be welcomed. It is the appropriate thing to do. Pointing fingers at someone until facts are ascertained about the veracity of the memo through a transparent investigation would be jumping the gun. The government should take the Opposition on board and conduct an impartial investigation. Ambassador Husain Haqqani is on his way back to Pakistan and is willing to fully cooperate with the investigation. Blind hatred for an individual and/or a political party has led to disastrous results in the past. Repeating the same mistakes again would be detrimental to the future of Pakistan.

That said, it is all the more important to point out that in all the hullabaloo surrounding the ‘Memogate’ scandal, one thing that the rightwing is ignoring — on purpose, it seems — is the issue of civil-military relations. The contradiction and the imbalance in the civil-military relations affect the political class as a whole. It is an ongoing problem, which is not just limited to one political party or the other. The military’s power tentacles have suffocated the political class to a point where they see no way out of it. This, in essence, is Pakistan’s biggest problem. Economic crisis, intolerance, persecution of minorities, sectarian conflict, ethnic wars, ‘kill and dump’ policy being pursued in Balochistan, terrorism — both internal and external — are all but the result of this power imbalance between the civilians and the military establishment. A weak civilian democratic government cannot overcome these problems on its own. It needs the support of all organs of state, civil society and most of all, the Pakistani nation. Impatience with democracy will not solve anything; it will only make matters worse by strengthening the anti-democratic forces. And then Pakistan would be back to square one.

The need of the hour is for all democratic forces to unite and demand that the military be subservient to the civilians, as it should be as per our constitution. Targeting the political class for all the troubles this country is facing is not just unfair but completely off the mark. The military and its expenditures, defence or otherwise, should be scrutinised. The activities of the military and its intelligence agencies should not be kept secret from parliament. Accountability should be across the board and not just limited to politicians. It is the right of the Pakistani nation to know how the world’s most wanted terrorist, Osama bin Laden, was able to hide in Abbottabad for so long. The perpetrators of Mumbai terror attacks and whoever aided and abetted them from the state machinery, serving officers or retired, must be punished. Pursuing strategic depth policy in Afghanistan has led to chaos; it is time to scrap this policy. But to do all this, the democratic process must be allowed to flourish, as only a strong civilian set-up will lead to civilian supremacy and bring an end to the military’s highhanded policies.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Dirty tricks brigade at it again

2011-11-19T15:00:00.001-08:00

It looks as if this whole ‘Memogate’ issue, as it is being called despite being a dubious drama, has taken the Pakistani media by storm. Why so much attention is being given to a shady character like Mansoor Ijaz is beyond comprehension. A man whose credibility in the international arena is murky to say the least, is being believed over Pakistan’s Ambassador to the US, who has served our country in the most difficult of times. Ambassador Haqqani has denied that he has anything to do with the memo. Admiral (retd) Mike Mullen first denied any knowledge about the memo but later confirmed he had received it. But according to Mr Mullen’s spokesman, “...neither the contents of the memo nor the proof of its existence altered or affected in any way the manner in which Adm. Mullen conducted himself in his relationship with General Kayani and the Pakistani government. He did not find it at all credible and took no note of it then or later. Therefore, he addressed it with no one.” Mr Mullen’s admission in and by itself does not link the memo either to President Asif Zardari or Ambassador Haqqani. This should put to rest the ‘credibility’ of the memo. Had it come from the highest echelons of the civilian government in Pakistan, Mr Mullen would have at least discussed it with someone in his government.

Mr Mansoor Ijaz is considered to be a controversial man with a peculiar agenda; an agenda that seems to be dictated from somewhere else. Thus this so-called Memogate affair should be treated with a healthy dose of scepticism. The thrust of the memo and the characters involved seem like something out of a Hollywood flick and not real life. This is not to say that stranger things have not happened in this ‘land of the pure’ but the credibility of the entire episode should be based on an investigation by the Pakistan government. Instead of acting like the judge and the jury, the Pakistani media should wait for an explanation at the end of a transparent investigation process. The sense of alarm owing to an unnecessary controversy is not justified.

It is the government’s prerogative who to appoint as an ambassador but given the role Ambassador Husain Haqqani has played in highly tense situations in order to keep the US-Pak relationship intact within a relative framework has made the diplomat a thorn in the side of some anti-democratic forces. As long as Mr Haqqani is in Washington, these forces would not get what they want. Now the ghairat (honour) brigade is trying to ratchet up a controversy because of their anti-American and anti-democratic sentiments. The military’s policy vis-à-vis the US-Pakistan relationship has been obstructionist at best. This goes down well with the ghairat brigade.

The government has not yet taken a clear position on the issue. To jump to conclusions on the basis of spurious allegations is not appropriate. Let the government come out with an explanation publicly after thorough investigation. Since enough dust has been kicked up to justify calling the ambassador to Pakistan for an explanation, we must reserve judgement until the whole issue is investigated and put to rest one way or the other.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

No more military ‘adventurism’

2011-11-14T03:50:00.001-08:00

Chief Justice (CJ) Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry made some very important points regarding the armed forces and unconstitutional moves while talking to a delegation of the National Defence University (NDU). “Any action of the armed forces taken without a direction by the federal government will be unconstitutional, illegal, void ab initio and consequently of no legal effect,” said CJ Chaudhry. He said that any unconstitutional step taken by the military comes into the ambit of sedition, and Article 6 would be used against violations of the constitution and the law. Referring to Article 244 of the constitution, the CJ said, “This is a conscious effort by the framers of the constitution to restrict the role of the armed forces to defending the borders of the country and to safeguard the constitution from any adventurism.” Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) chief Mian Nawaz Sharif also made a similar point on Saturday. Mian sahib said that his party would not tolerate any unconstitutional step, including a direct military coup, since nations all over the world only made progress under the democratic system. “The right to rule must remain with the people of Pakistan,” said the PML-N chief. Both the chief justice of Pakistan and the leader of the second largest mainstream party made it clear that democracy is important for Pakistan and all institutions should work within their constitutional parameters. Thus it was a bit surprising to see the prime minister taking a completely different tangent. On Sunday, Prime Minister Gilani Prime said that unconstitutional steps of the opposition against an elected government would not be tolerated.

As far as the PML-N, the main opposition party in the National Assembly is concerned, it has not tried to sabotage the democratic process ever since the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) came to power in 2008. In fact, the PML-N has been accused of being ‘soft’ on the ruling coalition. Mr Sharif has made it quite clear in the past why he does not want to disrupt the democratic system; he does not want to repeat the mistakes of the 1990s. His stance on the civil-military imbalance is something the military establishment perceives as a ‘threat’ to their dominance. For almost half of Pakistan’s existence we have been directly ruled by military dictators: 11 years by General Ayub Khan, two years by General Yahya Khan, 11 years by General Ziaul Haq and nine years by General Musharraf. Apart from Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s government, no other democratically elected parliament has completed its tenure. From 1988-99, four democratic governments came to power but not one of them was able to complete its tenure due to political nitpicking by the opposition, finally resulting in a military coup.

With such a powerful military ruling the roost, democratic governments have mostly been weak, including the present incumbents. Unless and until we allow democracy to take root in the country, we cannot expect an end to the power the military wields in our politics, security and foreign affairs. Religious extremism, militancy, terrorism are all an extension of the military’s vested interest. Intolerance has permeated our society due to their shortsighted policies. It is time to put an end to all this damaging military intervention in affairs that should not be their concern and we can only do that by continuing with democratic dispensations. Peace, progress and prosperity can only follow once democracy is strengthened. A pluralistic, secular and democratic Pakistan is in the interests of not just our own people, but the entire region.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Time to be a genuine friend

2011-11-12T15:31:00.001-08:00

Eight South Asian nations signed the Addu Declaration at the end of the 17th SAARC Summit held in the Maldives. The declaration reaffirmed SAARC’s commitment to peace, confidence building, liberty, dignity, democracy, mutual respect, good governance and protection of human rights. It is hoped that all eight member countries of SAARC commit themselves to the Addu Declaration in letter and spirit. The discussions on the sidelines of the summit between Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Prime Minister Gilani hogged the limelight. There were some very positive outcomes of that meeting. “I am optimistic that India-Pakistan relations are subject to accidents and therefore we both recognise that if there is another incident like the Mumbai terror attack, that would be a big setback to the process of normalisation and that is fully understood by PM Gilani,” said Prime Minister Singh. He also said that after a long time he feels that the Pakistani armed forces are on board, which indicates that the peace process might be moving in the right direction. Right now the Pakistan army is busy on the western border and cannot afford tensions on the east. It is hoped that Pakistan’s military establishment is finally able to see some light and allow the peace process to move forward instead of supporting anti-India policies in knee-jerk fashion.

Apart from meeting his Indian counterpart, Prime Minister Gilani had a meeting with Afghan President Hamid Karzai. According to a Pakistani member of the delegation, Mr Karzai adopted a “rather aggressive posture” during the meeting and “bombarded us with a number of demands laced with accusations”. “Frankly speaking, Prime Minister Gilani was taken aback because he had expected a friendly gesture from the Afghan president,” said the delegate. Why Mr Karzai’s curt manner would be any surprise to Mr Gilani is in itself quite surprising. For the last four decades, Pakistan’s military establishment has done everything in its power to wreak havoc in Afghanistan in order to pursue its notorious ‘strategic depth’ policy.

In the early 1970s, Pakistan reacted to the anticipated support of Pashtun and Baloch nationalists by Sardar Daud and in a counterstroke it supported the creation of the mujahideen. From the communist coup to Afghanistan’s internal crisis in the 70s to the Soviet invasion, Pakistan has been at the forefront of supporting terrorist elements in Afghanistan. The west led by the US and Saudi Arabia also jumped in in support of the mujahideen after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. The unintended consequences of releasing the fanatical jihadi genie from the bottle resulted in 9/11. The west may have suffered the consequences of its folly, but it would be an even graver mistake if Pakistan continues to do the same, i.e. seek favourable foreign policy and strategic outcomes through reliance on religious extremists and fanatics. In order to retain its proxy war machine for its future agenda, especially post-2014 withdrawal of foreign forces, the Pakistani military establishment is still harbouring and supporting the Afghan Taliban. Given this fact, it is perfectly understandable why Karzai is upset with us. It would be for the good of Afghanistan, Pakistan itself, as well as the region if this jihad export policy were abandoned before its blowback becomes too hot to handle. Afghanistan is in need of much help. India has intelligently proved a better friend to the Afghan people than Pakistan by helping rebuild its infrastructure. We lost an opportunity in 2001 to make a genuine friend of the Afghan people. Let’s not lose another opportunity. South Asia needs peace and stability. Pakistan can play a key role in achieving it.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Mr Khan and ideological ambiguity

2011-11-11T00:47:00.001-08:00

October 30th was a day of reckoning for Pakistani politics, or so said the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) supporters. But was it? Consider.

The day marked the ‘arrival’ of PTI chief Imran Khan, ironically 15 years after his political party was formed. PTI’s Lahore jalsa (rally) was a huge success, with more than a hundred thousand people in attendance at Minar-e-Pakistan. The ruling party in Punjab, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), could not match these numbers at its rally a couple of days before PTI’s jalsa. In fact, there were hardly 30,000 people, at the most, at PML-N’s rally on October 28. Thus it was a big achievement for PTI to stage a mammoth rally in Lahore, the Sharif brothers’ stronghold. The PML-N is now surely concerned about the next general elections given Mr Khan’s appeal with the electorate. However, to call Mr Khan a ‘game changer’ is not just an exaggeration but also an oversimplification. Lahore is no more the heart of Punjab, much less Pakistan. To bank on an overcrowded rally in Lahore would be a bit premature when it comes to the actual D-Day: the Election Day.

“Imran Khan’s appeal is less of a charismatic leader and more of a successful role model in this land of so many despicable characters,” wrote Mr Imtiaz Alam last week in The Express Tribune. This is the crux of the matter. He was a legendary cricketer and is a great philanthropist. But make no mistake: Mr Khan is no reincarnation of Jinnah and he is certainly no Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.

Mr Jinnah’s politics was of a different era in a different landscape. As for Mr Bhutto, the mass support for his Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) was mobilised against General Ayub Khan’s dictatorship. At that time, there was also a definite polarisation between the Left and the Right. Even if the PPP did not deliver on many of its ‘socialist’ promises, it did give a voice to the masses. When it comes to the PTI, there is no military dictator to overthrow and the Left is missing from Pakistani politics – all we are left with are parties that are either at the centre, centre-right or extreme right. The masses continue to suffer while Pakistan is fast turning into a pariah state.

Those who support the PTI think that Imran Khan is a messiah who can save Pakistan. They are of the view that the Zardari-Bhuttos, Sharifs, Chaudhries and Altaf Bhais of this world have not delivered and it is time for change. What will happen to Mr Khan’s squeaky clean image if (and when) the PTI opens the doors for opportunists? In the case of electable candidates, there is no guarantee of an unblemished past. Is that the ‘change’ we are looking for?

Mr Khan represents ideological ambiguity. It is a tragedy that this ambiguity has somehow translated into populism when his politics has no clarity. Granted that he has mobilised the youth but the travesty is that he is misguiding an already confused, apolitical youth. Our textbooks teach a distorted history to our younger generation, which is why most of them remain ignorant about the ground realities of Pakistan. If Mr Khan’s only target is the incumbent political class and not the root cause of our miseries, the Pakistan Army, then he is doing a great disservice to the masses. Change may be in the air but it is not clear what sort of change and for what purpose. Young minds need a clear, cohesive view. They do not deserve to be led astray by the likes of Mr Khan. When PTI supporters gleefully tell the ‘liberals’ that they were wrong in dismissing Imran Khan as a wannabe politician, they overlook one of the most important factors in Mr Khan’s rise to popularity: the blessings of the military establishment. PTI will mostly make a dent into the PML-N’s vote bank in Punjab and it will serve the purpose. The establishment does not want to see Mian Nawaz Sharif serving as prime minister again; ironic because Mian Nawaz Sharif was a protégé of General Zia-ul-Haq but is now considered to be an anti-establishment politician who wants to end the imbalance in civil-military relations. Those asking for change will be disappointed when their newfound hero, Imran Khan, fails to translate his crowd-pulling rallies into an electoral victory.

(Originally published in Mid-Day)

Killings in Balochistan continue

2011-11-07T07:58:00.000-08:00

When people all over Pakistan will be celebrating Eid-ul-Azha, the people of Balochistan will be mourning their loved ones. The responsibility for this lies with the Pakistan military, its intelligence agencies and the Frontier Corps (FC). The entire nation should be ashamed of the brutalities unleashed by the military against its own people in Balochistan. Javed Naseer Rind, a young journalist, was abducted in September and his tortured, bullet-riddled body was found the other day in the province. More than a dozen Baloch, including women, were killed last week in less than 24 hours during a military campaign in Balochistan; the same week when the FC was placed under the provincial government of Balochistan. The fifth military operation of our history is underway against the people of Balochistan but it seems that the rest of Pakistan remains oblivious to it. The apathy of the government and the nation is something that has further alienated the Baloch from the Pakistani state. Thus a new wave of separatism has found resonance in Balochistan. The lessons from 1971 have not been learnt.

The PPP-led government in Islamabad seems helpless before the Pakistan Army and its skewed policies. Even then there is no reason that the government cannot put pressure on the army and make a logical case against its brutalities. Promising development and aid will not serve its purpose unless and until the military is called back from Balochistan and the people of the province are empowered in letter and spirit. The Baloch insurgency started only to ask for their just rights but in order to quash their nationalism, the military under General Pervez Musharraf started using force. Even after the ouster of General Musharraf, the same policies are being carried out. When democracy returned to the country in 2008 after nine years of military rule, it was hoped that the civilian government would do away with a military dictator’s wrong policies. Instead, we have been disappointed with the way the ‘kill and dump’ policy is being carried out with impunity in Balochistan. Thousands of Baloch are still missing while hundreds of them have been slaughtered like animals by the army. Is this the way to deal with a demand for just rights?

The need of the hour is to settle this conflict through a political settlement. Military means cannot crush the honourable Baloch people. The government must talk to the Baloch leadership, both in the mountains and those who are in self-exile, and bring an end to the insurgency on a just basis. All the missing persons should be brought back to their homes safely. The military operation must be stopped at once. The Balochistan government is toothless and cannot do much to stop what is going on. The federal government must come to the rescue. If things keep on going the way they are, the federation will be in trouble. The government should not take this matter lightly. The Baloch deserve better from a democratically elected government. Cruelty is not the answer to anything. Peaceful means and political negotiations are key to bringing peace and prosperity in Balochistan.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Lessons for Eid

2011-11-07T07:56:00.000-08:00

Eid-ul-Azha is a day when Muslims all over the world honour the Abrahamic tradition of sacrifice for the love of the Almighty. There are many lessons to be learnt from this day. Instead, in Pakistan (and many other Muslim countries), most of these lessons are thrown out of the window and only rituals are being followed in the name of religion. Sacrificing an animal is not the only thing that should be associated with Eid-ul-Azha. Cleanliness is also part of Islam and Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) stressed upon this aspect of religion in a hadith: “Cleanliness is half of faith.” But on Eid-ul-Azha, what we see all over the country is blood and offal. Even in relatively affluent areas where people have space to slaughter animals within their houses, most residents do not care about keeping their surroundings clean and instead throw out animal remains. In crowded mohallas, due to shortage of space, slaughtering is mostly done on the roads. The sight of bloodied roads filled with filth and gore is not just disgusting but such disregard for cleanliness can lead to all kinds of diseases. We have not been able to deal with dengue completely yet and now we might have to deal with an outbreak of different epidemics in the aftermath of our practices on Eid. Public health is an issue that the government should keep in mind at this particular event even more vigilantly. The government and the people themselves should devise a system where the remains of the slaughtered animals can be dumped and all the roads and surroundings cleansed of blood.

Then there is the issue of banned terrorist organisations collecting animal hides during Eid in order to fund themselves. Even though the Interior Ministry has given orders banning 31 banned organisations from collecting hides, groups associated with these banned outfits are operating freely. Also, some of the banned outfits have changed their names, like the Lashkar-e-Tayyaba (LeT) has changed to Jamaat-ud-Dawa (JuD), and yet those new names have not been included in the new list. Instead of taking half-hearted measures, the government should come down hard on these banned terror outfits.

On this Eid, we should also spare a thought for the flood victims who have no shelter, clothing and food. In the spirit of sacrifice, we should be more charitable towards our brethren who are the victims of natural disasters. The government and the NGOs can only do so much. We, the people of Pakistan, must come out and help the flood victims. Winter is just around the corner and it could lead to a fresh disaster in the flood-hit areas. It is time to serve our suffering people.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Restoring cricket’s lost glory

2011-11-05T02:18:00.000-07:00

All eyes in the cricketing world were on the Southwark Crown Court on Thursday, November 3. Justice Cooke was going to hand down sentences in the spot-fixing case to former Pakistan cricket captain Salman Butt, two bowlers – Mohammad Asif and Mohammad Amir – and bookie Mazhar Majeed for their role in the conspiracy to bowl deliberate no-balls last year in a Test match against England at Lord’s. “The gravamen of the offences committed by all four of you is the corruption in which you engaged in a pastime, the very name of which used to be associated with fair dealing on the sporting field,” remarked Justice Cooke. Butt was sentenced to jail for 30 months, Asif for 12 months and Amir for six months. Majeed got 32 months in prison. Does the punishment fit the crime, particularly in the case of Mazhar Majeed? As far as the cricketers are concerned, in addition to a ban by the International Cricket Council (ICC) and a life of ignominy, this should be enough punishment. But it was quite disappointing to see Mazhar Majeed getting a 32-month jail term. He was the ringleader, so to speak, and should have been given maximum punishment instead of getting a lenient jail term when compared to the three fallen heroes. The jail sentences for the three Pakistani cricketers did not come as a surprise, though some were of the opinion that Amir, the youngest of the lot, should not be imprisoned, even if he is being sent to Feltham Young Offenders’ Institution.

In a statement given by Amir where he pleaded guilty, he wrote: “My dream was to be the best cricketer in the world…What I loved about the game was not the recognition or reward, what I loved was just the playing. I do not know if cricket will ever want me again. I can understand why it would not. As difficult as this past year has been…I am still relieved to have admitted what I have done.” But those who love cricket and want to restore its lost glory opine that by sending the three cricketers to jail, a principle is being established. Amir could have been one of the best cricketers but by giving in to temptation and/or pressure from Butt and the bookie mafia, he not only betrayed the sport he loved the most but also let down his fans and country. Butt, Amir and Asif have learnt their lesson the hard way. This should serve as a deterrent to all cricketers who have indulged in or contemplated match fixing or spot-fixing. Hopefully, young and aspiring cricketers would think a hundred times before ever indulging in corrupt practices. But is that enough to stop the powerful betting mafia spread all over the world? No.

What is now needed is revamping the entire system in the cricketing world. ICC’s Anti-Corruption and Security Unit (ACSU) has rightly been dubbed by England’s Test captain, Andrew Strauss, as a “toothless tiger”. Betting in cricket is not new. In the past, cricketers from Pakistan, South Africa, India and Australia have been accused of being involved in match-fixing or other corruption scandals. They were either fined, dropped, or opted to retire from the sport. It is important that the ICC and all cricket boards admit to their failure in curbing this menace and take steps to ensure it is stamped out ruthlessly. A regime is required within each board and the ICC to clean up cricket of corruption once and for all. Cricket fans all over the world deserve an honest game from their players. They should not be let down ever again.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Of change and alternatives

2011-10-31T15:54:00.000-07:00

Sunday, October 30, saw two rallies in Pakistan’s two largest cities. The Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) held a huge rally in Karachi, which was dubbed ‘Democracy and Stability of Pakistan Rally’. That a party known for its opportunism and supporting military dictatorships came out on the street in support of democracy is ironic. The MQM, along with a delegation from the PPP, protested against Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif’s derogatory language against President Zardari at a PML-N rally in Lahore the other day. MQM chief Altaf Hussain addressed the rally from London and attacked the PML-N and the Sharif brothers. The language Shahbaz Sharif used against the president is condemnable, but expecting principled politics from the MQM that has quit the PPP’s coalition government on several occasions in the past three years can hardly be taken seriously.

Lahore also witnessed a rally on Sunday. The Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) rally was held at Minar-e-Pakistan, the symbolism of the location not being lost on anyone. It was a massive rally with over 100,000 people who came to show their support for PTI chief Imran Khan. That the PTI managed to attract one of the biggest crowds in Lahore in over two decades – over a million people came to Benazir Bhutto’s rally in Lahore back in 1986 – without the help of any government machinery must be recognised. It goes to prove that the people of Pakistan are disillusioned and fed up with the political class across the board. In reaction to the void created by the ruling incumbents, the people are looking for change. Anybody who comes along and seems to give a different message is bound to gain some traction. It is not so much that the things Imran Khan is saying are resonating with the people but the fact that he presents a possible alternative to the dreary spectrum in the next elections. Add personal charisma and hero worship and Imran Khan comes out as a seemingly ideal candidate for ‘change’.

Mr Khan’s speech started with attacks against President Zardari and the Sharif brothers. His repetition of the false story pertaining to Ambassador Husain Haqqani about a nonexistent letter was uncalled for. Mr Khan should not bend facts to suit his case. On the domestic front, Mr Khan’s politics revolves around mainly two issues: elimination of corruption and systemic administrative structural change. Even if Mr Khan somehow manages to end corruption, is there any guarantee that the existing system will not regenerate it? How the PTI intends to save our economy is something that is virtually conspicuous by its absence in its programme. Mr Khan talked about the patwari (land record officer) system and the thana (police station) culture, but provided only half-baked solutions. Giving superficial solutions is a sign that Mr Khan has failed to recognise the actual depth of the problem. He needs to come up with better plans. Once again Mr Khan talked about reconciliation with the Taliban. He needs to be reminded that more powerful people and forces have tried this policy and failed. How can we expect those who kill and maim innocents for their fanatical objectives to think rationally?

Imran Khan talked about the rights of the Baloch and ending the ongoing military operation in Balochistan. How he plans to persuade the army and the FC to end their kill and dump policy is anyone’s guess. While he talked of educating women and the rights of minorities, he did not talk about the discriminatory laws that are loaded against women and religious minorities. He also failed to talk about the persecution of the Ahmedis and sectarian conflict. Mr Khan’s main targets were the politicians. By keeping quiet about the military’s role in Pakistani politics and the consequent mess we are in today, Mr Khan has certainly aroused suspicion. Many believe he has the blessings of the establishment.

The jury is still out on whether to call the success of PTI’s rally a game changer or not. PTI lacks the required party machinery and electable candidates. Mr Khan also made some tall claims, such as calling for civil disobedience and shutting down the cities if the politicians in power do not reveal the full extent of their wealth, but on this he may well be tested in the coming months. While the successful rally has added weight to Imran Khan’s political standing, the next general elections will show whether the PTI is able to translate a successful rally into parliamentary strength.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Complacency at its worst

2011-10-31T06:49:00.001-07:00

Prime Minister Syed Yousaf Raza Gilani said that the PPP-led government could not be toppled through rallies and creating hullabaloo. He said that elections would be held according to the prescribed schedule. “The PML-N wants to wind up democracy but the government will not let it derail it…The PPP is a symbol of the federation and its opponents are confined to only one portion of the country,” said Prime Minister Gilani. While democracy should not be derailed and the government should complete its tenure, it would not be wrong to remind the prime minister why there are so many rallies and agitations taking place all over Pakistan. Ever since the PPP came into power after the 2008 general elections, the woes of this nation have grown manifold. Granted that the government is not responsible for the global recession and its consequent impact on our country, but apart from a few notable achievements, this government has not delivered. Good governance is the essential ingredient missing from this democracy.

When the common man has to suffer hours-long load shedding every single day, cannot afford two square meals a day, has a hard time finding a job, he is bound to react. While the PML-N and PTI are trying to cash in on this reaction, the government should also introspect why things have come to this pass. The PPP government was not expected to deliver overnight since there is no magic wand to improve things in a jiffy. But that does not absolve the PPP-led coalition government of its duties either. The 18th Amendment, NFC Award, partial abolition of FCR, etc, are great achievements for the government but they are only going to deliver results in the long run. The government needed to take short term measures too so that the miseries of the people could have been addressed to some extent. In more than three years of this government’s term, we have seen no improvement in the living standards of common citizens. It is for this reason that the people are now frustrated and want change.

We can learn some lessons from Turkey in this regard. Turkey’s example shows us that an equally powerful and interventionist army’s power was rolled back because the ruling party was able to deliver to its people. In Pakistan, the exact opposite has happened. General Musharraf’s hold on power weakened considerably because of the lawyers’ movement and people’s power. The army came out looking bad and demoralised. With the PPP in power, it was expected that the imbalance in the civil-military relations would be addressed. Instead, the PPP lost support from the nation because of corruption charges and bad governance. Now the army is as powerful as ever. And it is not just the PPP-led federal government but the PML-N’s government in Punjab is no better. Both mainstream parties have failed their electorate. Their seeming indifference to the sufferings of the people and their complacency has led to a leadership vacuum and we now see some stirrings in our polity. Even if there is no leader for an anti-government movement, the people will come out on the streets themselves and hold politicians accountable. Instead of giving a bad name to democracy and politicians, our leadership should realise that such developments would only benefit the undemocratic forces lurking in the shadows. They should not be given a chance to plunder the country again. All politicians should realise their mistakes and strive to make things better for the people of this luckless country.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Justice for Nawab Bugti

2011-10-31T06:48:00.001-07:00

Arrest warrants for former president, General Pervez Musharraf, and former prime minister, Shaukat Aziz, were issued on Friday in the Bugti murder case. Baloch leader Nawab Akbar Bugti was killed in a military operation back in 2006. Shaukat Aziz denies his role in the murder and is of the view that Bugti died when his hideout in the mountains collapsed under fire from forces responding to attacks. If Nawab Bugti had died due to the cave collapsing, why was he buried in such haste? Bugti’s body was not handed over to his family. Under such circumstances, the Bugti family is entitled to answers and closure as well. It is almost impossible for a common man to get justice in Pakistan but even the Bugtis, a powerful family, had to run from pillar to post to get an FIR filed after the death of Nawab Akbar Bugti, a prominent man. Balochistan has suffered far more than any other province at the hands of our military.

Apart from Musharraf and Shaukat Aziz, the Bugti family have named former Balochistan governor Owais Ghani, former Balochistan chief minister Jam Muhammad Yousaf, the then interior minister Aftab Ahmad Sherpao and home minister Mir Shoaib Nosherwani. The Balochistan High Court (BHC) had already issued the arrest warrants for Nosherwani while the other three took the plea that Nawab Bugti was killed by the military and they were part of the civilian set-up. Responsibility for Bugti’s murder cannot be shrugged off so easily under the garb of being in the ‘civilian’ set-up when they knew full well what was going on. It was a blatant murder and then there was a cover-up. The military and the high officials of the so-called civilian government must be held accountable for their role in Bugti’s death. The judicial system must deliver justice. Arresting a former military dictator would also set a new precedent in Pakistan’s history. It would give a clear message to the military high command that their injustices will not be tolerated any more. Our justice system is skewed in favour of the rich and the powerful. This must change, as the law should be equal for everyone. If General Musharraf and the rest of his co-accused are as innocent as they claim, they are free to prove it in a court of law. They can have their day in court and let justice prevail.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Afghanistan’s future

2011-10-29T03:54:00.000-07:00

Pakistan’s position in the international arena has seen better days. Now our country is viewed as a pariah state responsible for sponsoring terrorism across the border. Despite the military establishment’s denials about not having any decisive influence over the Taliban and therefore a critical impact on Afghanistan’s future, Pakistan’s overt and covert support to the Afghan Taliban is no secret. In an interview, Major-General Athar Abbas, Director General (DG) of the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR), said that Pakistan has “not been informed and not been taken into confidence on a possible roadmap or a practicable shape of the [Afghan] reconciliation process so far”. He was also critical of the BBC documentary about Pakistan’s double game in the war on terror. “We consider that report highly biased, it is one-sided, it does not have the version of the side which is badly hit or affected by this report. Therefore…it is factually incorrect,” Major-General Abbas said. Nobody expects that our military establishment would admit to playing this double game but to think that the world would buy their ‘denials’ is also naïve to say the least. On the other hand, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton faced tough questions from the US House Foreign Affairs Committee over the State Department’s willingness to negotiate with the Taliban. “So which is it, Madam Secretary, crackdown or negotiate with the Haqqani network or a little bit of both?” asked the Republican committee chair. “It is both. We want to fight, talk and build all at the same time,” answered Ms Clinton. It seems that even in the US, there are reservations about the Afghan reconciliation process.

While the Obama administration wants to reconcile with the Afghan Taliban, in Pakistan it has increased the frequency of drone strikes. This might be their way of pressurising the Afghan Taliban to come to the negotiating table while also trying to end Pakistan’s support for them. But drone strikes have not worked to the US’s advantage. It has increased anti-American sentiment in Pakistan and the militants and the right wing forces have taken advantage of this sentiment. Negotiating with the same Taliban the US helped dislodge would result in dire consequences for not just Afghanistan and Pakistan but the entire region. We should not forget that the Taliban are a barbaric force. If they are back in power in Afghanistan, there is no guarantee they would not host al Qaeda again. They have already provided sanctuaries to the Pakistani Taliban and once back in power would not hesitate to do so again. Pakistan cannot afford a Taliban rule once again despite the distinction given to them by our military establishment.

What is now needed is a new approach. The obvious way to bring back peace in the region is to adopt a three-pronged strategy. One, withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan. Two, eliminating safe havens on both sides of the Durand Line and sending the militants back to their countries of origin. This will end proxy jihad and bring stability back to the region. Three, end interference of all regional and world powers in Afghanistan and let the Afghan people settle their own affairs. It would eventually lead to Afghanistan returning to its 19th century status of a buffer state, with the significant and beneficial new factor that it can now act as a trade and energy corridor for the region.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Positive development

2011-10-25T03:35:00.001-07:00

Sunday afternoon’s chopper incident had some Indian observers on tenterhooks, waiting to hear the fate of the Indian military helicopter and its four crew members that strayed into Pakistani territory due to bad weather. Pakistan forced the Indian helicopter to land after it violated Pakistani airspace near Skardu. Pakistan promptly informed the Indian side of this incident. The crew was questioned, as is the standard operating procedure under such circumstances, for a few hours and was treated well. Military officials from both countries talked to each other and the issue was resolved amicably. The helicopter was refuelled by the Pakistan Army and flew back with the crew to India the same evening. “We are relieved that our officers and helicopter are back. We greatly appreciate the manner in which Pakistan has worked with us in resolving the matter,” said Indian external affairs ministry spokesman Vishnu Prakash. The maturity with which both sides handled this sensitive issue is a positive development and proves that where there is a will, there is a way.

Tensions between India and Pakistan reached a new high after the 2008 Mumbai attacks. A dialogue between the two neighbours restarted after a long time but many issues remain unresolved to date due to six decades of tense relations. The same day as the helicopter incident, the Indian side accused Pakistan of violating the ceasefire along the Line of Control (LoC) in the disputed Kashmiri territory when the Indians allegedly intercepted infiltrators trying to cross the border from Pakistan’s side. Despite a ‘hot’ LoC, it is a good sign that the Pakistani military handled the Indian chopper incident with a maturity that in days gone by would have been unthinkable. Our western border is absorbing the time, energy and resources of the Pakistan Army, which is why it does not want to engage on two fronts. Nevertheless, these circumstances are finally coinciding with our democratically elected government’s moves to normalise relations with India from the day it came into power. For Pakistan, when a critical foreign policy issue sees the military and civilian government on the same page, it is a good omen. Let’s hope that the military establishment is finally able to realise that peace with India and other neighbouring countries will go a long way in bringing back peace and stability to Pakistan and the region.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Beginning of a charm offensive

2011-10-24T03:08:00.001-07:00

Afghan President Hamid Karzai’s recent interview with a local TV channel has been making headlines in the region. Talking about an attack on Pakistan by either the US or India, President Karzai said, “Anybody that attacks Pakistan, Afghanistan will stand with Pakistan. Afghanistan will be a brother of Pakistan. Afghanistan will never betray a brother.” When chairman Afghan Peace Council, Professor Burhanuddin Rabbani, was assassinated, the Afghan intelligence pointed at Mullah Omar’s Quetta Shura as being responsible for the suicide attack. President Karzai then said that instead of talking to the Taliban directly any more, Afghanistan would talk to Pakistan, implying that our military establishment controls the Afghan Taliban. It seems that Mr Karzai’s recent interview is in a way trying to placate Pakistan’s military establishment. This is nothing short of a charm offensive where the Afghan president is trying to persuade Pakistan to soften its position vis-à-vis strategic depth in Afghanistan. “Please stop using all methods that hurt us [Afghanistan] and that are now hurting you [Pakistan]. Let’s engage from a different platform, a platform in which the two brothers only progress towards a better future in peace and harmony,” said President Karzai. This is a clear reference to Pakistan’s overt and covert support to the so-called ‘good’ Afghan Taliban. Mr Karzai is right when he says that this policy has not just hurt Afghanistan, Pakistan is also paying the price of supporting terrorists. By differentiating between the Afghan Taliban and the local Taliban, Pakistan has made a big mistake. The attacks from across the border by the local Taliban should be proof enough for our military that the Afghan Taliban are not just harbouring the Pakistani Taliban but helping them with their attacks on Pakistani soil.

On the other hand, the US seems keen on negotiating with the Taliban. When asked whether the US expects Pakistan to militarily tackle the Haqqani network or force them to the negotiating table, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said, “It’s more the latter.” There is now an emerging consensus internally, regionally and internationally that peace and stability will return to the South Asian region through talks and a political settlement with the militants. Ten years after fighting the Taliban in difficult conditions, the US-led NATO forces have not been able to crush them. Other options were first explored but later General Petraeus’ surge approach did not work. The key to a settlement in Afghanistan lies with the Pakistani military, which is what Afghan President Karzai also hinted at. He was not addressing the Gilanis and the Zardaris when he talked about Pakistan. That our security establishment has been stoking insurgency inside Afghanistan is no secret. If our military remains recalcitrant and stubborn by not stopping this insurgency, a new civil war in Afghanistan is all but inevitable. Even though peace deals have not worked out in the past and we do not know at this poinyt whether they will be successful in the future, a political settlement may lead to the elimination of safe havens on both sides of the Durand Line. It is hoped that a combined strategy of political and military means will bring back peace in the war-torn region. It is equally important to root out safe havens from both sides of the border. The Afghans deserve peace after decades of civil war, a barbaric Taliban regime and a 10-year-long war. Pakistan, too, needs to put an end to its flawed policies if peace, stability and progress are to be achieved.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Bara operation

2011-10-24T03:07:00.000-07:00

At least 1,000 families left their homes after a military operation against terrorists began in Bara, Khyber Agency. This will now add thousands of people to the burgeoning list of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Pakistan. Reports indicate that asking the people to vacate their homes was an afterthought by the military. In the past, we have seen that overwhelming firepower during a military offensive has made the militants leave the area instead of staying there and fighting the army. It is inherently naïve to think that every militant will be killed in such operations. Despite the fact that our military has been fighting all kinds of insurgencies over the decades, their doctrinal and technical understanding of guerrilla warfare leaves much to be desired. In the case of Swat, Orakzai, Bajaur, South Waziristan, most of the militants were ‘flushed out’ from the areas instead of being taken care of. When an area is ‘cleared’ of militants, the next step is to re-establish the writ of the state through the civilian establishment and institutions. It is pertinent to give confidence to the civilian population who should not fear that the militants would be able to come back to the area at a later stage. This is the classic dilemma of counterinsurgency. Clearing an area is easy with military might, but the real test is to hold that area and ensure that the militants do not return. For that, the re-establishment of the subverted structures of the state is necessary. By allowing the militants to decapitate the tribal structure that was in place for decades, Pakistan’s military establishment's shortsighted view was exposed. By now asking the tribes to form anti-Taliban lashkars (private militias), the military is putting the tribals at risk. The recent killing of anti-Taliban tribesmen in Mohmand proves that these lashkars are no match for the battle-hardened militants. Targeted assassinations are now taking place all over the tribal areas.

The only way to win the battle against the Taliban is by scrapping the ‘good’ and ‘bad’ Taliban doctrine. The Taliban are one and the same. The so-called ‘good’ Afghan Taliban have given refuge to those ‘bad’ Taliban who want to wage war against Pakistan. In the light of Maulvi Fazlullah’s call for an all-out jihad against Pakistan, it proves that our so-called ‘assets’ are helping their Pakistani counterparts. It is important that Pakistan realises that Maulvi Fazlullah is backed by the Afghan Taliban, thus the problem is not divisible. Two separate sections of the Taliban are the same from within. It would be in our interest to work with the US-led NATO forces and the Afghans in countering this threat together.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

IJT’s controversial convention

2011-10-19T07:47:00.001-07:00

The Islami Jamiat-i-Talaba (IJT), student wing of the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), is notorious for using intimidation tactics to get what it wants. This was seen once again when the IJT held a three-day All Pakistan General Convention in Punjab University (PU) despite opposition from the PU administration, faculty and students. In order to make its presence felt, the IJT even disrupted traffic at various roads in Lahore, causing great discomfort to the citizens. The IJT was not remorseful at causing several-hour-long traffic jams in the city. In fact, this was done to prove to the public that the convention was attended by ‘huge crowds’. This is in line with the IJT’s past practices. Disruption, harassment, senseless violence are all a norm for the IJT.

The PU administration was intimidated by the IJT goons but when they complained to the Punjab government and the police, instead of coming to their assistance, the authorities ‘advised’ the PU administration to avoid a confrontation. Reports indicate that the Punjab Police made a written agreement with the IJT as per the instructions of the Punjab government, which allowed the IJT to hold its convention. The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) is known to have a soft corner for the right wing, religious and extremist groups. Thus it was no surprise that the PML-N’s Punjab government just sat with its hands folded while the IJT flexed its muscles.

By eroding the authority of PU’s vice chancellor, administration and faculty, the Punjab government has undermined an educational institution’s independence. Over the last 40 years or so, the IJT has used terror, violence and intimidation to hold one of the oldest universities of the subcontinent hostage to its right wing agenda. In the past the IJT may have had the support of military dictators like General Ziaul Haq and General Pervez Musharraf and even civilian regimes like that of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, when the IJT was originally unleashed in PU at the behest of then Governor Punjab Ghulam Mustafa Khar, but now the incumbent Punjab government has also lent its support to this militant student organisation. Instead of mollycoddling the IJT and its ilk, the Punjab government should support the PU administration against the IJT’s highhandedness.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Speak, proclaim your decision

2011-10-14T23:46:00.000-07:00

Religious groups in Pakistan had announced a strike against self-confessed murderer Mumtaz Qadri's death sentence last Friday (October 7). The same day, a group of masked men bearing batons and sticks entered the premises of the Municipal Corporation (MC) Girls Model High School, Rawalpindi.

These young Qadri supporters demanded that the school be shut down due to the strike. Reportedly, these men also attacked female faculty members and students for not wearing hijabs (headscarves). The bigots warned them to dress modestly, or else. The Women's Action Forum (WAF) condemned the attack and said that "such attempts by malicious and obscurantist elements to dissuade girls from seeking education point to a calculated move of denying women right to be educated".

The Taliban have blown up numerous girls' schools in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province and the tribal areas over the years. The attack on a girls' school in Rawalpindi by Qadri's supporters also goes on to show that there is hardly any difference between the Taliban and other religious zealots; only their modus operandi varies.

Remember the Lal Masjid (Red Mosque) moral brigade? The way they terrorised the citizens of Islamabad for months is something we can hardly forget. Threats, harassment, intimidation, physical violence are tactics used by the right wing fanatics to frighten others into 'submission'.

The attack on MC Girls Model High School is not the only incident that points to increasing intolerance and religious bigotry in Pakistan. Aasia Bibi, a Christian woman accused of blasphemy, was allegedly tortured in jail by a warden. Aasia Bibi is the same woman whose case was highlighted by slain Punjab governor Salmaan Taseer. Not only has Aasia's family gone into hiding but it has become almost impossible to have any sort of debate on blasphemy laws after Governor Taseer and Minorities Minister Shahbaz Bhatti's subsequent assassinations.

Sectarian terrorism has also reared up its head again in Pakistan. General Zia-ul-Haq was instrumental in creating sectarian outfits back in the 80s. Shias were killed mercilessly by sectarian monsters. Though sectarian violence did not end in entirety, the madness of the 80s and 90s subsided to some extent. The massacre of Hazara Shias in Balochistan by banned militant outfit Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) in recent months is horrific. Balochistan is a province where the Pakistan Army is carrying out a military operation, yet the impunity with which the LeJ is able to carry out frequent attacks against the Hazara Shias shows that either the security forces are complicit or they have turned a blind eye to LeJ's terrorist activities. The LeJ, like many other sectarian outfits in the country, enjoy the overt and covert support of Pakistan's military establishment. Such disastrous policies pursued by our military top brass in the last few decades are responsible for the mess we are in today, which is but a dark abyss.

All this reminds me of a poem written in the early years of the world peace movement, quoted by Faiz Ahmed Faiz in 'The Role of the Artist' (The Ravi, 1982). It says:

"What do you want,
Life or death,
Existence or extinction.
Speak, proclaim your decision,
Life or death,
Existence or extinction.
The universe today hangs,
By one word on your lips,
Life or death."

If we replace 'the universe' in the poem with 'Pakistan', we would not be far off the mark. The dreams that a lot of Pakistanis once had for our country are not there any more. Many have become disillusioned due to one such event after the other. But if we all give up on our dreams, what will we leave our future generations with? That is something we Pakistanis must seriously contemplate. We have to decide. We have to speak up. By standing up against fanaticism in all its shades, we have to reclaim Pakistan. It is now or never.

(Originally published in Mid Day)

Balochistan and hollow promises

2011-10-13T05:53:00.001-07:00

At the passing out parade of recruits for the Pakistan Army belonging to Balochistan, Prime Minister Gilani urged the Baloch insurgents to shun violence in order to bring peace to the restive province. “Those who do not want peace to prevail in the province would repent at the end as they are causing a huge loss to their own people,” warned the prime minister. Mr Gilani said that the induction of Baloch youth in the armed forces would strengthen the defence capabilities of the armed forces, ironically the same armed forces that are accused of spreading terror in the name of ‘national interest’ in Balochistan. More than 200 dead bodies of missing persons have been found in Balochistan during the last 14 months. This is a pattern that has increased in frequency as mutilated, bullet-riddled bodies of Baloch nationalists are found from different areas of the province every other day. Even if we accept Mr Gilani’s argument at face value that the prosperity of Balochistan is linked to non-violence, why is the prime minister only urging the insurgents to lay down arms but not asking the state authorities to shun violence? The Baloch believe that the Frontier Corps (FC) is responsible for thousands of missing persons in the province and the deaths of hundreds of Baloch activists. The federal government’s approach to resolving the conflict in Balochistan is not viable. Unless and until the government convinces the security establishment to stop the ongoing military operation in Balochistan, all developmental ‘packages’ offered to the Baloch by the Pakistani state would just be a façade and nothing more. This has to be a two-way street. The government cannot expect the Baloch to remain ‘peaceful’ while the FC and intelligence agencies wreak havoc in Balochistan. So-called development will not produce any results unless the government goes down a very different path than the one it is treading right now.

The PPP-led coalition government has been making noises over the last three years that it wants reconciliation with the dissident Baloch leaders and is ready to hold talks with them. So far, there is no indication of any steps being taken to get in touch with the Baloch leaders, either in Pakistan or those living in exile. There is an inherent contradiction in Mr Gilani’s statements. On the one hand Prime Minister Gilani talked about reconciliation with the Baloch but on the other he mentioned a ‘foreign hand’ helping the Baloch insurgents. Pakistan has failed to provide even a shred of evidence to prove its allegations of the ubiquitous ‘foreign hand’ destabilising Balochistan. Many human rights organisations, be they local or international, have pointed out the atrocities being committed by Pakistan’s military in Balochistan. Instead of adopting an ostrich-like approach when these things are pointed out by all and sundry, the government should assert itself and ensure that it does not continue to follow in the footsteps of General Musharraf’s repressive policies towards the Baloch. It is unfortunate that under a democratic dispensation’s watch, such atrocities are being committed in Balochistan.

The reason why Baloch nationalists boycotted the recently held All-Parties Conference (APC) should have made it obvious to the government that development packages cannot replace serious political negotiations with the dissident Baloch leadership. Committing acts of barbarity against the Baloch is not just unjust but downright disgusting. The only way to avert a disaster in Balochistan is by reaching out to the Baloch and redressing their grievances.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Winning a lost battle

2011-10-07T15:28:00.000-07:00

"Your time is limited, so don't waste it living someone else's life. Don't be trapped by dogma -- which is living with the results of other people's thinking. Don't let the noise of others' opinions drown your own inner voice. And most importantly, have the courage to follow your heart and intuition. They somehow already know what you truly want to become. Everything else is secondary." A lot of people shared these words from Steve Jobs' Stanford commencement speech (June 2005) on Facebook and Twitter after the news of his death broke out yesterday.

These words reminded me of a man we lost nine months ago: Salmaan Taseer. On January 4, 2011, Punjab Governor Salmaan Taseer was shot dead by one of his bodyguards. Mumtaz Qadri, the self-confessed murderer of Mr Taseer, did not just kill a man; he killed an ideology, he killed tolerance and reasonable debate in Pakistan. Taseer was known for being vocal on issues that many others dared not raise in public. He was hounded by the right wing forces for highlighting the plight of a Christian woman accused of alleged blasphemy.

Pakistan's blasphemy laws are flawed. Majority of those accused of blasphemy are innocent, but once the word 'blasphemous' is attached to someone, he/she either goes to jail, gets lynched and/or is killed. Though it would be ideal to scrap these man-made laws, considering the reactionary elements in the country, there were some voices that demanded these laws be amended at the very least. With Taseer's assassination, the debate on blasphemy laws too died a silent death. Liberal and progressive elements in Pakistan mourned Salmaan Taseer's death because he was someone who always stood up for his principles and never shied away from speaking his mind. The minorities wept at Mr Taseer's loss because he was one of the rare politicians who stood up for their rights. But then there was another sort of reaction to Taseer's assassination; that of apathy or glee.

Mumtaz Qadri suddenly had a large following among the right wing. It was due to his support amongst the extremist sections of the society that his trial met with some hurdles. On October 1, Qadri was awarded a double death penalty by an anti-terrorism court (ATC). As was expected, his supporters were furious. Rallies were held in some cities by religious groups to denounce the verdict. The blood-curdling statements made at those rallies were shocking. Threats were issued to Judge Pervez Ali Shah, who handed down the sentence. A price was named for Judge Shah's head. His office was attacked by dozens of lawyers protesting against the judgement. "After [Monday's] protest and the attack on his office, the judge is not attending his office," said Malik Khalid Jawad, president of the district bar association, Rawalpindi. There are reports that Judge Shah has gone on an indefinite leave given the circumstances. More than 40 religious parties have joined hands to start a countrywide campaign in support of Mumtaz Qadri. That Qadri is a cold-blooded killer does not bother them at all. But then again, these so-called 'religious' parties are full of bloodthirsty murderers because their interests thrive on spreading terror.

Intolerance has penetrated the Pakistani society to such an extent that most people now choose to remain quiet on issues that might be deemed sensitive. Losing Mr Taseer was perhaps one of the biggest blows for the liberal Pakistanis in recent years. It was a grim reminder for the bold voices in the country that even they could meet the same fate. Yet it must be said that even in these dark times, there are several people in Pakistan who are determined to challenge the extremists and win this battle. We want to win this battle for ourselves and for our future generations. We do not want murderers and terrorists such as Lashkar-e-Jhangvi's (LeJ's) Malik Ishaq, Lashkar-e-Tayyaba's (LeT's) Hafiz Saeed and countless others like them roaming freely on our streets. We do not want more Mumtaz Qadris killing people at will, just because they do not agree with someone's views. We do not want the religious right to impose its archaic and barbaric views on the citizens of Pakistan by brute force. This may sound like a regurgitated cliché but what we want is a secular, democratic, liberal, progressive Pakistan. It might be a lost battle but we have to win it at any cost, even if that cost means losing our lives in the process.

(Originally published in Mid Day)

Taseer case verdict

2011-10-02T17:00:00.001-07:00

An anti-terrorism court (ATC) sentenced slain Governor Punjab Salmaan Taseer’s self-confessed murderer Mumtaz Qadri to death on two counts for murder and terrorism and fined him Rs 200,000. On January 4 this year, Mr Taseer was shot dead in broad daylight by Qadri, one of the Punjab governor’s bodyguards, while the rest of his security detail silently looked on and did not budge to stop this hideous murder from taking place. ATC’s Judge Syed Pervaiz Ali Shah dismissed Qadri’s defence in which he took the plea that he had killed Mr Taseer for his alleged ‘blasphemous’ statements. Judge Shah said there is no room for such defence under the law. Qadri’s counsel have announced that they will file an appeal against the verdict in the High Court in seven days. It remains to be seen what the outcome of such an appeal would be.

Meanwhile, Mumtaz Qadri’s supporters came out on the streets to protest against the verdict. While defending a cold-blooded murderer, his supporters went one step ahead and put head money on Judge Shah for awarding a double death penalty to Qadri. It is extremely important for the government to ensure that such blood-curdling threats do not pass unnoticed. The government should provide foolproof security to Judge Shah whose life is now under grave threat from Qadri’s supporters. The protestors also condemned the government for its ‘biased policy’. Police in Lahore was unable to disperse Qadri’s supporters who were in clear violation of the government and Lahore High Court’s (LHC’s) orders not to hold protest demonstrations on The Mall, Lahore. The Sunni Tehreek even offered to pay Rs 200 million to the heirs of Salmaan Taseer as diyat (blood money) in lieu of Qadri’s release. The ‘take it or leave it’ tone of this ‘offer’ is quite worrying. Nobody has the right to coerce anyone to accept diyat but it seems that Qadri’s fanatical supporters think otherwise. The Taseer family has been under great pressure for the last nine months since Mr Taseer was assassinated. It has now been over a month since Shahbaz Taseer, son of late Salmaan Taseer, was kidnapped by unknown men in Lahore. To put further pressure on them under such circumstances is part of tested tactics of the religious right to function on the basis of intimidation and pressure. A spurious campaign against the slain governor was initiated by religious clerics and right wing fanatics all over the country, which ultimately led to his assassination.

The Punjab government should prevent such hate-mongering rallies in the province. Though the Punjab government is known to be soft on the religious right either because of being their sympathisers or fear, it is their duty to stop these fanatical elements. Members of the Tahafuz-e-Namoos-e-Risalat Mahaz and other such organisations that gave open threats to Judge Shah and other government functionaries should be hauled up immediately. The federal government has not done much either in curbing extremist ideology, thereby emboldening and encouraging the right wing to a great extent. Pakistan today needs forces of rationality, humanity and good sense to come together throughout the country to roll back this tide that is threatening the nation as a whole. Governor Taseer may not be amongst us today physically but his bold and rational stance for human rights, women’s rights, minorities’ rights and justice remains with us in spirit. Let us pay our tribute to Mr Taseer by realising his dream of a democratic, secular and pluralistic Pakistan.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Mixed signals and warnings

2011-10-02T07:00:00.000-07:00

General Martin Dempsey has replaced Admiral Mike Mullen as the new Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. In his farewell speech, Admiral Mullen said he continues “to believe that there is no solution in the region without Pakistan, and no stable future in the region without a partnership”. Admiral Mullen’s advice to General Dempsey was “to remember the importance of Pakistan to all of this; to try and do a better job than I [Mullen] did with that vexing, and yet vital, relationship”. Maybe Admiral Mullen was trying to take the sting out of his earlier statement linking the ISI to the Haqqani network by giving ‘friendly’ advice to his successor. With the change of command in the US military, there are mixed messages coming from the Obama administration. President Obama said US intelligence is not clear in terms of what exactly the relationship between the Haqqanis and the ISI is. A US official said that there will be no US boots on the ground in Pakistan. On the other hand, Hillary Clinton said that when she “became Secretary of State, they [Pakistanis] were trying to draw a distinction between the good terrorists and the bad terrorists, because we had funded the good terrorists together…That in no way excuses the fact that they are making a serious, grievous, strategic error supporting these groups, because you think that you can keep a wild animal in the backyard and it will only go after your neighbour?” An ambiguity has clearly been left in both President Obama’s remarks and that of Ms Clinton. The US admits it helped Pakistan in creating terrorists for the Afghan jihad but now those ties must be terminated.

While there are mixed signals emanating from the Obama administration, things in our neighbourhood are not looking good either. On the one hand Afghan President Karzai has rejected negotiations with the Taliban and asserted that Pakistan is the key to peace talks. On the other hand, the Afghan intelligence service has blamed the Quetta Shura for assassinating Burhanuddin Rabbani. “We have given the evidence to the Pakistan Embassy in Afghanistan to cooperate with us,” said Afghanistan’s intelligence service spokesman. The most significant statement, though, came from JUI-F chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman who said it was possible that the US might go to the UN against Pakistan, where the Americans would raise the issue of the Quetta Shura. This would create trouble for Pakistan, especially if the US declares the Haqqani network a terrorist organisation and links between the ISI and the Haqqanis are established. Sanctions could be imposed on Pakistan in this event.

The pressure on Pakistan is building and the writing on the wall could not be clearer. Pakistan is heading towards isolationism. Even if we admit our mistakes, like the US did, it is important to correct those mistakes. If we are taken to the UN, things would get serious. When a hardliner like Maulana Fazl starts painting a gloomy picture, it means something is definitely wrong. Maulana sahib would not say anything as alarmist as this without a reason. The policy of exporting terrorism has made Pakistan a terrorist haven. We need to adopt a two-pronged policy: flush the foreign elements out of the tribal areas and talk to the local tribes to eliminate local terrorists from our soil. This would help bring peace back in the region and change our image of a breeding nursery for terrorists.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

APC: an exercise in futility

2011-10-01T01:54:00.000-07:00

An All-Parties Conference (APC) was held on Thursday at Prime Minister Gilani’s call to discuss Pak-US relations in view of recent events. Admiral Mike Mullen’s statement against the ISI irked Pakistan to such an extent that it led to war hysteria in the media. Mr Mullen openly blamed the ISI for supporting the Haqqani network. Pragmatically, the White House did not endorse Mr Mullen’s statement, which helped restore Pak-US relations to some extent. There were hardly any expectations from the APC given that our politicians had already resorted to ‘tough’ statements and warnings to the US in case of an attack. It was as if the civilian leadership wanted to give a stamp of approval to the military’s strategy. The APC was attended by at least 56 political leaders and the army top brass, including army chief General Kayani. Foreign Minister Hina Rabbani Khar and Director General (DG) ISI, Lieutenant-General Ahmed Shuja Pasha briefed the APC participants. “There are other intelligence networks supporting groups that operate inside Afghanistan. We have never paid a penny or provided even a single bullet to the Haqqani network,” said General Pasha. After hours of deliberations, the APC was able to come up with a 13-point joint declaration. ‘Give peace a chance’, most likely inspired by John Lennon’s famous song, was declared to be “the guiding central principle henceforth” in the unanimously passed resolution. The APC “rejected the recent assertions and baseless allegations made against Pakistan” and affirmed the nation’s “full solidarity and support for the armed forces of Pakistan in defeating any threat to national security”. This is quite interesting given that the armed forces’ flawed security and foreign policies have landed Pakistan in the current mess.

While most of the APC participants were there only to pay lip service to the so-called ‘consensus’, there were a few dissenting voices at the APC. PML-N chief Mian Nawaz Sharif reportedly asked some tough questions and pointed out that there is no smoke without fire. Mian sahib addressed a press conference yesterday confirming those reports. “I talked in the moot about our internal weaknesses and called for introspection. We must ask ourselves whether we are at fault…we should admit our mistakes,” Mr Sharif told the media. He also said the government should reveal the terms of engagement between the US and Pakistan. Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party’s Mehmood Achakzai reportedly told General Pasha that peace can be achieved in Afghanistan within a month if the ISI wanted.

Barring Mr Sharif and Mr Achakzai, the performance of our political leadership at the APC was shameful. What was even more shameful was how representatives of the minorities were not even invited to the APC. The boycott of the APC by the Baloch nationalists made the exercise seem less credible. The APC resolution smacks of an ostrich-like approach. The political class let the army and its intelligence agencies off the hook once again. Disastrous policies adopted by the military top brass for decades have created problems for Pakistan internally and externally. Thus Mr Sharif and Mr Achakzai’s remarks were lauded by the saner voices in Pakistan. We must stop pretending as if everything is hunky-dory with our policies and the fault only lies with others. Pakistan’s India-centric security and foreign policies have not deterred India’s influence in Afghanistan and elsewhere. In fact, it has risen due to our self-defeating policies. If we really want to give peace a chance, we should stop interfering in Afghanistan through proxies and let the Afghans take care of their own problems. Former British Prime Minister Tony Blair’s recent statement should be given due consideration: “I think Pakistan is paying a heavy price for the mistakes of the 1970s by linking religion with politics and developing religious schools which are, in some cases, dangerous sources of extremism.” It is indeed time for serious introspection.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Fragile contradictory relationship

2011-09-30T03:29:00.000-07:00

Many analysts and journalists resort to marriage clichés when describing Pakistan’s relationship with the US. It is time to put such clichés to rest; Pak-US relationship is not a marriage. It is a transactional relationship between a superpower and a third world country due to its geostrategic position. We are both trapped in this relationship – the US in Afghanistan and Pakistan due to its policies vis-à-vis Afghanistan. Pakistan’s relations with the Taliban are not a secret but ever since the outgoing chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff, Admiral Mike Mullen, linked the Haqqani network to Pakistan’s premier spy agency, the ISI, emotions in Pakistan have been rising gradually. “The Haqqani network, for one, acts as a veritable arm of Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence agency,” said Admiral Mullen.

The hype surrounding Admiral Mullen’s statement led the Pakistani media, especially the electronic media, into a jingoistic overdrive. Apart from some notable exceptions in the electronic media and a section of the English press, it seemed as if we were all ready to take on the US. Talk show after talk show discussed Pakistan’s options in case of a possible war with the US. Had it not been so tragic, the media’s performance would only have been considered quite comical. It was tragic because the media of a country reeling from all sorts of crises – religious extremism, sectarianism, terrorism, economic meltdown, power shortage, floods, dengue epidemic, etc – was actually deliberating whether we could win a war against the world’s sole superpower. Pakistani politicians started making strong statements in this regard and Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani blamed the US of fanning anti-American sentiment in Pakistan due to its “negative messaging”. A special Corps Commanders Conference was held at the GHQ on Sunday. An All Parties Conference (APC) called by Prime Minister Gilani took place yesterday. More than 55 politicians and the army top brass gathered to discuss Pak-US relations. “PM Gilani likely decided to include even small parties not in parliament to make sure they support, and don’t protest, the outcome,” tweeted journalist Omar Waraich.

The media and the public’s mood could have impelled both countries towards a confrontation but, fortunately, the White House distanced itself from Admiral Mullen’s statement by not endorsing it. Pakistan’s military has not given any heated statements either. The mood at the APC was also that of non-confrontation. It is important for both Pakistan and the US to keep their relationship intact despite its inherent contradictions and difficulties.

When General Musharraf was in power, the Bush administration turned a blind eye to Pakistan military’s dual policy. George W. Bush’s vision was narrowly focused on al Qaeda. As long as Pakistan handed over Al Qaeda members to the US, the latter did not question Pakistan on its covert support to the Taliban. When Barack Obama came to power, things changed considerably. Pakistan was pressurised to take on the Taliban, especially the Haqqani network that has been consistently attacking foreign troops in Afghanistan. The Americans are obviously irked given that the proposed troops withdrawal looms nearer; some argue the US is not going anywhere even after 2014. Pakistan’s military establishment is still wedded to its strategic depth (read death) policy. So, what are the options for both countries?

There are little chances of [US] boots on the ground. It is likely that the US will carry out more drone strikes. The US will either strike at Haqqani targets from a distance beyond our reach or at the most carry out an OBL-type raid where they will move so quickly that Pakistani forces would not be able to stop or retaliate. But the latter option will only take place in an extreme situation.

As for Pakistan, to take on the Americans is unreal. Our military and political leadership know this. They know that differences with the US need to be resolved diplomatically. What the military also needs to realise is that the strategic depth policy must be scrapped. It is not only hurting the Afghans or the US-led NATO forces but the people of Pakistan are the worst affected. The Taliban are terrorists, period. They do not differentiate between ‘friends’ and ‘foes’. Instead of keeping the so-called ‘good Taliban’ on our side, Pakistan should stop supporting them. Instead, we need to respect Afghanistan as a sovereign country and not treat it like a colony. Maintaining good ties with all our neighbouring countries will go a long way in bringing peace and prosperity to Pakistan.

(Originally published in Mid Day)

A passionate plea for Palestine

2011-09-25T02:38:00.001-07:00

Friday was a historic day when Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas informed the UN General Assembly (UNGA) that he had formally submitted an application “for the admission of Palestine on the basis of the June 4, 1967 borders, with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital, as a full member of the United Nations”. Mr Abbas called upon the UN and the world to vote in favour of Palestine’s full membership and to recognise the state of Palestine. “Will it [the world] allow Israel to continue its occupation, the only occupation in the world? Will it allow Israel to remain a state above the law and accountability? I come before you today…to say, after 63 years of suffering of the ongoing Nakba: enough,” said Abbas. In response to the Palestinian leader’s speech, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called the UN “the theatre of the absurd” where “year after year Israel is singled out for condemnation more often than all the nations of the world combined”. Mr Netanyahu said the critics of Israel “praise those who unwittingly feed the insatiable crocodile of militant Islam as bold statesmen”. Netanyahu offered ‘peace’ to the Palestinians numerous times during his speech while playing the victimhood card and not offering any real peace in essence. While Abbas got a standing ovation at the UNGA, Netanyahu’s speech was met with subdued applause by his few supporters. From the response it seems that Israel and its biggest supporter, the US, are isolated in the world community. The Palestinians managed to achieve a major diplomatic victory.

After Mr Abbas submitted Palestine’s bid at the UN, the Quartet of Middle East negotiators comprising the UN, the US, the European Union (EU) and Russia urged Palestine and Israel to resume peace talks within a month “to agree [on] an agenda and method of proceeding in the negotiation”. The Quartet statement said, “At that meeting there will be a commitment by both sides that the objective of any negotiation is to reach an agreement within a timeframe agreed to by the parties but not longer than the end of 2012.” It seems that it will be business as usual since such meetings are only about buying time while Israel gobbles up piecemeal more Palestinian land through settler colonialism. The partition of Palestine as a result of Europe’s guilt at the persecution of the Jews was no partition; it was an expulsion of the Arabs from their land. More than half a century later, the Palestinians are weaker than ever while Israel grows stronger. The world needs to wake up and give the Palestinians justice that they richly deserve and at the very minimum a state with considerable independence and sovereignty.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

LeJ unleashed, again

2011-09-24T04:56:00.001-07:00

There is no safety for the Shias in Pakistan. Three Hazara Shias were killed yesterday when they were on their way to Quetta. According to reports, they were asked to get off their passenger van, lined up and shot dead. The modus operandi is the same as in the case of the Shia pilgrims who were shot dead a few days ago in Mastung by the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ). The Punjab government has placed LeJ’s leader, who was released from jail this July after 14 years, under temporary house arrest. Rahim Yar Khan’s police chief, Sohail Chattha, said that Ishaq’s behaviour endangered “sectarian harmony and caused a sudden rise in sectarian temperature in the country”. It is not yet clear what purpose would be served by putting Ishaq under temporary detention for a few days. Men like Malik Ishaq should be put behind bars for life instead of being released due to ‘lack of evidence’. They are a threat to society. Unfortunately, our legal system has no answer in the face of lacunae in our laws. People cannot be held indefinitely under the law. The need of the hour is to have proper legislation in place that can make provisions to put known terrorists in prison due to the very fact that Pakistan is afflicted with terrorism and sectarian terrorism is back with a vengeance.

Iran has shown its anger at the ongoing Shia massacre by closing the trade gate between the two countries for an indefinite period. Transporters have also suspended the Quetta-Taftan service in protest at the Mastung incident; they have demanded security for passengers. On the one hand Pakistan is trying to woo Iran for a gas pipeline while on the other, our authorities are alienating Iran by turning a blind eye to sectarian violence. The Balochistan High Court (BHC) Chief Justice has taken suo motu notice of the Mastung killings and issued notices to the federal and provincial governments. It is important that the government and the security establishment wake up and stop terrorist outfits from fanning sectarianism in the country once again. The sectarian legacy in Pakistan dates back to General Ziaul Haq’s brutal regime but successive governments, be they civilian or military, have failed to roll back that legacy. Pakistani society is increasingly seeing the incremental rise of intolerance and fanaticism. This must be stopped.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Shia massacre

2011-09-23T07:11:00.000-07:00

A group of Shia pilgrims on their way to Iran in a bus were ambushed in Mastung, Balochistan, by armed men. The militants told them to get out of the vehicle, lined them up and opened fire on them after checking their identity cards. Twenty-six pilgrims were killed while eight others were injured. Most of them belonged to the Hazara Shia community in Balochistan. Three others were killed in an ambulance when they were taking the injured to hospital. Banned terrorist organisation Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), an offshoot of the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), claimed responsibility for the attack. Last month, 12 people lost their lives while more than a dozen others were injured after a suicide attack at a Shia congregation offering Eid prayers in Quetta. On the second day of Eid, seven more Shias lost their lives at the hands of armed gunmen who opened fire on a minibus on its way to Parachinar in Kurram Agency.

The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) condemned the Shia massacre and urged the government to investigate the latest incident and “prosecute the officials of Frontier Corps (FC) and police who were responsible for this negligence and nexus with the terrorists”. According to the AHRC, “…[Balochistan, Kurram Agency, FATA] are the places where the contingents of the Pakistan army and its paramilitary force, the FC are stationed and controlling all the roads, besides having check posts all around the major cities…As a result, banned Islamic militant organisations feel at liberty to operate freely under the patronage of the law enforcement agencies.”

Ever since LeJ’s leader Malik Ishaq was released this July after 14 years behind bars, the attacks against Shias have become even more deadly. It is interesting to note that the LeJ has become active in Balochistan, even distributing threatening letters against the Shia community. Is it because they want to leave their home base, Punjab, relatively untouched and ‘safe’ for themselves? The Punjab government already treats the LeJ and SSP with kid gloves and its law minister is known to be close to banned terror outfits. Hazara Shias are peace loving and law-abiding citizens. They are soft targets for a bloodthirsty sectarian outfit like the LeJ. The less than energetic response from the government and the law enforcement agencies in Balochistan, Kurram Agency and FATA to sectarian attacks has only emboldened outfits like the LeJ. What is stopping the authorities from arresting the leaders of the LeJ when they do not hesitate to ‘claim’ responsibility for brutal attacks so openly? The authorities must not turn a blind eye to this emerging pattern of targeting the Shia community. Shias in Pakistan have been victims of systematic target killings for decades now. The government and the security agencies must protect them or this intolerance would eventually lead to Pakistan’s undoing.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

To recognise or not to recognise…

2011-09-20T11:29:00.001-07:00

The Libyan Embassy in Pakistan raised the rebel flag of the National Transitional Council (NTC) last month after the fall of Muammar Gaddafi’s government. In August, Pakistan’s Foreign Office (FO) was noncommittal in this regard. Foreign Ministry spokesperson Tehmina Janjua said, “We are monitoring the situation in Libya very closely…We believe that at this point in time, the situation is in a flux. So we continue to monitor it and in doing so we are guided by respect for the principles of sovereignty, political independence and territorial integrity of all states.” Almost a month after the rebel flag was raised by the Libyan Embassy, Pakistan has not recognised the NTC government. This has apparently irked the new Libyan government, which has now threatened not to revalidate Pakistani diplomats’ visas if we do not recognise the rebel-led government. Pakistan is not the only country not to have recognised the NTC government so far. Many other countries are keeping an eye on the situation on the ground. According to reports, Gaddafi’s loyalists have claimed they captured 17 foreigners, including British and French personnel, in Bani Walid. Gaddafi’s loyalists are also holding on to his hometown, Sirte, where the NTC’s troops are getting ready to launch another attack.

Recognition of governments is a tricky matter. It depends on how much territory the ‘new’ regime controls and whether they are in control of the country as a whole or not. There is fierce fighting going on in Libya right now. The people in the south are much more sympathetic to Gaddafi and are giving the NTC forces a hard time. So far it seems Gaddafi’s strategy is to hold on to his hometown and other enclaves on the northern coast plus southern Libya where the new government has not been able to quash Gaddafi’s supporters. Thus it is difficult to legitimise the rebel government in the face of the situation on the ground. The question of legitimacy also raises its head because of the way Gaddafi was ousted with NATO’s help from Tripoli and areas in the north. Pakistan’s decision to ‘wait and watch’ is not without reason. Gaddafi has long been an ally of Pakistan. If we recognise the rebel government in Libya right now, it would give the wrong signal to the world at large. If Gaddafi’s old allies start to distance themselves from him, only then would it be a real victory for the new Libyan government. It would also legitimise an imperialist intervention.

The so-called international community is dominated by the world’s sole superpower, the US. Though the US did not participate fully in NATO’s intervention in Libya, it gave a stamp of approval to its European allies to oust Gaddafi. Most of the world turned a blind eye to an intervention that was uncalled for. It showed how the west has double standards when it comes to its ‘friends’ and ‘foes’. In the past decade, the US has directly invaded Afghanistan and Iraq. While there is by now considerable disquiet over both wars, the US got away with the Afghan invasion because of the high moral ground attached to it post-9/11. On the other hand, the invasion of Iraq was not just morally wrong but later proved to be based on lies. Despite this, nobody held former US President George W Bush and former British Prime Minister Tony Blair accountable for starting an unjust war leading to hundreds and thousands of innocent deaths. Giving legitimacy to the NTC government in Libya is a complicated matter given the backing of imperialist powers. Pakistan should be lauded for not giving in to western pressure.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Coming down hard on Pakistan

2011-09-19T04:33:00.001-07:00

John O Brennan, US President Barack Obama’s chief counter-terrorism advisor, has given a clear-cut warning to Pakistan. “The United States does not view our authority to use military force against al Qaeda as being restricted solely to ‘hot’ battlefields like Afghanistan. We reserve the right to take unilateral action,” said Mr Brennan. US Ambassador Cameron Munter’s statement on the Haqqani network’s links to Pakistan's government was also quite strong. He said, “The attack that took place in Kabul a few days ago was the work of the Haqqani network. And the facts, that we have said in the past [are] that there are problems, there is evidence linking the Haqqani network to the Pakistan government. This is something that must stop.” US Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mike Mullen has also conveyed his “deep concerns” about the Haqqani network’s activities and has “restated his strong desire to see the Pakistani military take action against them and their safe havens in North Waziristan” according to an American official. Three different statements, but the message is clear: take action against the Haqqani network or the US will do it unilaterally. On the other hand, the Haqqani network’s chief Sirajuddin Haqqani denied the group had any sanctuaries in Pakistan and instead “felt secure inside Afghanistan”.

It is an open secret that the Haqqani network is supported by the Pakistan Army and its intelligence agencies. What is interesting, though, is Ambassador Munter’s statement linking the Haqqani network to the Pakistan government. The democratically elected government is not in charge of Pakistan’s foreign or security policy. That is still controlled by GHQ. But Mr Munter’s remarks show annoyance at the government for having not been able to restrain the military from turning a blind eye to terrorist attacks in Afghanistan through its proxies. Pakistan’s strategic depth policy is out in full force given that the endgame in Afghanistan is nearing after a decade. Our security establishment’s dual policies vis-à-vis the Taliban might have been an annoyance for the US-led NATO forces in Afghanistan initially but now they have become far more serious. Various statements emanating from the coalition forces, especially US officials, point to their impatience. The US can take unilateral action whenever it wants as we saw in the case of the May 2nd raid on Osama bin Laden’s compound in Abbottabad. Pakistan should not take these warnings lightly anymore. The war in Afghanistan is far from over. It has already spilled into our borders and when the foreign troops leave, there is more danger of an escalation in the Taliban’s activities.

It is important that instead of complaining about the US’s ‘do more’ mantra, Pakistan takes swift action against the Haqqani network. Sirajuddin Haqqani’s statement about having shifted to Afghanistan sounds hollow. The Haqqani network might not be present in North Waziristan now as some reports suggest that they have moved to Kurram Agency. Our intelligence agencies are well aware of their presence in the country. Instead of supporting the Afghan Taliban, we must realise that in the end, the Taliban – be they local or otherwise – are no one’s friends but themselves. The attacks by the Pakistan Taliban from across the border show that they have found support from the Afghan Taliban. Pakistan should stop treating Afghanistan like its colony and get real. Afghanistan is as much a sovereign country as any other. Terrorists are our common enemy and we must fight this battle for our own good.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Another funeral, another attack

2011-09-17T11:14:00.000-07:00

A suicide bomber blew himself up at a funeral in Lower Dir on Thursday, leading to the death of 40 people and wounding more than 60 others. One funeral, one suicide bomber – the result: another 40 funerals. Welcome to the world of the Taliban. They have no respect for innocent lives. They would stoop so low as to kill children just to settle a score with their ‘enemies’. Just this week the Taliban claimed responsibility for attacking a school van; four children were brutally murdered in that attack. The Taliban do not have hearts; to call them human beings would be a crime. Yet we see that our military establishment continues to differentiate between the Afghan Taliban and the local Taliban, dubbing the former ‘good’ and the latter ‘bad’ Taliban. Our Guderians consider the Afghan Taliban to be Pakistan’s ‘strategic assets’. These same strategic assets have killed thousands of innocent people across the border in Afghanistan. They have also given refuge to the local Taliban, both in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Butchers will always be butchers despite the tags attached to them. The Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) have found like-minded ‘friends’ within the circle of the Afghan Taliban, most notably amongst the Haqqani network. They have carried out attacks from across the border, killing soldiers, civilians and anything and everything that comes in their way. The Dir attack was in retaliation against another pro-government lashkar (private militia) just like the children in that school van were targeted for their elders belonging to an anti-Taliban lashkar.

The TTP is out of control, but so are our skewed security policies. Pakistan’s military and government realised that it is nearly impossible to have sufficient troops in the tribal areas to combat the activities of the TTP. Private lashkars were raised to counter them out of necessity. Unfortunately, both the military and the government have not provided the lashkars with weapons, ammunition and protection. The forces these tribes are up against are battle-hardened, well trained and have superior firepower. It is the responsibility of our authorities to provide the tribal lashkars with the wherewithal to take on the Taliban. The real purpose behind the recent deadly attacks by the Taliban is to intimidate and terrorise the pro-government tribes. These lashkars would be rendered ineffectual if they do not get the full support of the military and government. While it is significant that al Qaeda’s chief of operations in Pakistan, Abu Hafs al-Shahri, was killed recently, it is equally important that the war against terrorism must continue and for that we need to think things through.

US Defence Secretary Leon Panetta’s warning to Pakistan should not be taken lightly. The US has decided to take action against the Haqqani network if we fail to do so. Pakistan’s Foreign Office may have reacted to Mr Panetta’s vow to retaliate against terrorists on Pakistani soil by calling it “out of line” with their joint counter-terror efforts but the truth is that there is no forgiveness where imperial powers are concerned. Pakistan cannot afford to take on the world’s sole superpower. It is neither wise nor viable. We cannot keep papering over the cracks in our relationship either. There are immediate short-term and long-term repercussions of annoying the US. The only solution is to go after all the Taliban factions, be they our strategic assets or not. We would not be doing the US any favour by going after the Haqqanis; in essence we would be doing ourselves the biggest favour. Pakistan needs to win this war for its own survival.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Religious freedom in Pakistan

2011-09-16T06:14:00.000-07:00

US Department of State’s July-December, 2010 International Religious Freedom Report has documented “major developments with respect to religious freedom in 198 countries and territories”. The report placed China, Eritrea, Iran, Myanmar, North Korea, Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Uzbekistan as “countries of particular concern” regarding religious freedom while 10 other countries, including Pakistan, were cited for failing to sufficiently protect religious rights. The report has raised important points regarding our country. On Pakistan, it says: “The government did not reform a blasphemy law that had been used to prosecute those who belong to religious minorities, and in some cases Muslims who promote tolerance. The government also used provisions of the penal code to prevent Ahmedis from practicing their religion. Members of other Islamic sects, Christians, Sikhs, and Hindus also reported governmental and societal discrimination...The government of Pakistan rarely prosecuted perpetrators of extremist attacks, deepening the climate of impunity.”

When late Governor Salmaan Taseer raised the issue of amending the blasphemy laws, he was silenced by a fanatic’s bullets. With Mr Taseer’s death, the issue of blasphemy laws also died a silent death. Minorities Minister Shahbaz Bhatti was the second victim of the religious fanatics who opposed anyone challenging the flawed blasphemy laws. These laws have been used to settle petty feuds, personal rivalries, property disputes, etc, both against the Muslims and non-Muslims by people with vested interests. Many Islamic scholars are of the opinion that Pakistan’s blasphemy laws are man-made and thus can be changed since they are not based on Islamic teachings. Unfortunately, anybody who dares to challenge the veracity of these laws as per Islamic jurisprudence are threatened, harassed and/or killed. The government has, by the looks of it, given up on any debate regarding the blasphemy laws in view of two publicised killings of politicians this year — Punjab Governor Salmaan Taseer and federal Minorities Minister Shahbaz Bhatti. Blasphemy laws are not the only flawed laws present in Pakistan’s statute books. General Ziaul Haq might not have been responsible for declaring the Ahmedis non-Muslims but the laws promulgated under his command banning the Ahmedis from practicing their religion openly led to the persecution of the Ahmediyya community. The hate campaign against the Ahmedis continues to date. Just this year, Tehrik-e-Tahafuz-e-Khatm-e-Nabuwat took out pamphlets openly inciting violence against the Ahmedis in Punjab. It has led to various attacks on Ahmedi citizens resulting in deaths. So far, the Punjab government has not just failed to nab the culprits but it has also turned a blind eye to such hate-mongering campaigns in the province. Sectarian violence is rampant all over Pakistan. Many Shias have lost their lives at the hands of banned sectarian outfits like the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) and Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP). These outfits have the overt and covert support of our intelligence agencies, which is why no action has been taken against them either. Christians, Hindus and Sikhs do not feel safe in this hostile environment. Religious minorities are treated worse than second-class citizens in our country.

There are many reasons for religious intolerance in Pakistan. Madrassas, jihadi organisations, textbooks with distorted history, sermons by illiterate and intolerance clerics, etc, are but a few reasons why Pakistan remains one of the most intolerant societies worldwide. The government must bring about educational reforms and close down religions seminaries or at least bring them into the mainstream. Hate literature should be banned. The military’s flawed policies of supporting sectarian outfits and other religious organisations must come to an end apart from making Pakistan’s constitution secular in letter and spirit.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Back to square one

2011-09-12T17:23:00.000-07:00

Sunday marked the tenth anniversary of the dastardly terrorist attacks on American soil, which resulted in the death of almost 3,000 people. US President Barack Obama and former president George W Bush went to the site of the September 11 attacks and paid tribute to the victims. A terrorist attack in any part of the world must be condemned unequivocally. The world stood by the Americans in their hour of grief. They all agreed that the perpetrators of these heinous attacks must be punished but there was a difference of opinion even then on how the US should go about it. That 9/11 changed the world is common knowledge. What remains to be seen is whether the measures used to avenge 9/11 were appropriate or not.

With hindsight we can say that the US invasion of Afghanistan following Mullah Omar’s refusal to hand over al Qaeda chief Osama bin Laden was akin to killing a fly with a sledgehammer. The fly got away from Tora Bora, only to be found almost 10 years later in Abbottabad. But the virus it left behind is something that leaves no country in the world unaffected. What went wrong in these 10 years that led the world from being with the US to an increasing anti-Americanism worldwide, especially in the Muslim world? To say that this is only because of religious affiliations is wrong. The sense of solidarity in the Muslim world is largely cultural, not religious. What imperialism has done to the third world is a historical fact and continuing reality. The memory of humiliation awakens and is refreshed every day for the victims of imperialist interventions (past and present). The anti-colonial movements were led by the local elites, who turned out to be a disappointment for their followers later on. Even revolutionary nationalist movements failed as their leaders turned out to be corrupt and morally bereft. Extremists filled the vacuum of a lack of leadership in the Muslim world and used religion to advance their agenda. Following the US invasion of Afghanistan, the extremists got an added advantage: now they had reason to justify their fanaticism. The means applied to resolve the al Qaeda conundrum were used without weighing the consequences, intended or unintended. On the eve of 9/11’s tenth anniversary, 77 American soldiers were wounded in Afghanistan as a result of a suicide bombing. It shows how the US is back to square one: the promise to usher in a new dawn of democracy in Afghanistan turned out to be nothing but a damp squib. The western forces now have to negotiate with the Afghan Taliban in order to ensure some semblance of normality post-troops withdrawal (a precarious enterprise at best).

While paying tributes to the victims of 9/11, the world should not have forgotten millions of innocent lives lost in Afghanistan, Iraq, Pakistan and other countries. They were the consequent victims of this war. They too were human beings, they too had families, yet the world does not mourn or commemorate their deaths. Pakistan’s Foreign Office said that Pakistan is severely affected by terrorism. Despite our security establishment’s double-edged policy of supporting the jihadis and the Taliban, the real victims of terrorism are the common citizens of this country. There is a need for introspection for the western world as well: those responsible for war mongering and war crimes are still free. George W Bush, Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld and Tony Blair, among others, should be punished for their crimes. But it seems that our world is not based on the rule of law; justice is only of and for the powerful.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Altaf bhai’s stellar performance

2011-09-11T04:26:00.000-07:00

Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) chief Altaf Hussain addressed a press conference from London via Skype on Friday. Mr Hussain’s press conference lasted for almost three hours, after which there was a question and answer session. It would not be wrong to call it a stellar performance by the MQM supremo. From flying kisses to singing and dancing, Altaf Hussain kept his audience ‘entertained’. Mr Hussain claimed he would make some earth-shattering revelations, as he was not sure if he would be alive to address another press conference. In the end, he failed to reveal anything. What Mr Hussain provided as ‘proof’ of some international conspiracy to break up Pakistan was nothing but a hackneyed map that has been doing the rounds on the internet for several years now apart from some articles, analyses and books by western writers. The only thing that was clear by the end of Mr Hussain’s press conference was that it was an attempt to refurbish his so-called patriotic credentials in the light of Dr Zulfiqar Mirza’s allegations against him and his party. The military and the ISI were praised in good measure by Mr Hussain, who offered MQM workers to be at their disposal in order to defend Pakistan and said, “There would have been no superpower (that could disintegrate Pakistan) had the army, the ISI and the MQM got united.”

It is no secret that the Awami National Party (ANP) is seen as the MQM’s nemesis in Karachi. Altaf Hussain alleged that ANP chief Asfandyar Wali Khan was given millions of dollars by the US for the 2008 general elections but he failed to provide any proof to support this allegation. The ANP denied these charges. ANP leader Afrasiab Khattak even went so far as to say that “nobody has killed more Pashtuns than the MQM”. Mr Hussain also laid the blame of the May 12, 2007, violence at others’ doorstep by saying that the MQM had nothing to do with it.

The sorriest outcome of Mr Hussain’s press conference was the departure of renowned Pakistani journalist Nusrat Javeed from the private TV channel on which he hosted a current affairs programme. Mr Javeed’s programme was taken off the air soon after it started on Friday. Mr Javeed told a private news channel that he was sacked by the channel at the behest of the MQM. Both the channel and the MQM denied these charges. A man of Mr Javeed’s stature does not need to score points by making such claims; he is one of Pakistan’s best known and credible journalists. In recent months, the MQM has come down hard on the media, especially anchorpersons. The journalist community must condemn the show of power by the MQM, or any other political party for that matter, to silence critical voices in the media. This practice has to stop once and for all. The media must stand united against such shameful pressure tactics.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Karachi horror and its implications

2011-09-10T03:59:00.001-07:00

Apparently at a cabinet meeting when Interior Minister Rehman Malik shared evidence of what was going on in Karachi, which included pictures of torture cells and the statements of the victims, those present at the meeting were horrified. According to one participant, “One could not believe his eyes that this is happening in the city of lights…it appeared as if we were watching the trailer of a horror movie.” If our cabinet members were horrified just by looking at the audio-visuals of the horror that is going on in Karachi, it does not take much imagination to judge what the people of Karachi – who are living the horror every single day – must be going through. If this is not going to wake up our ruling elite, then nothing will. It seems that something has finally woken them up to an extent. Law enforcement agencies have conducted operations in Al-Rahim Apartment, Pehalwan Goth, Yousuf Plaza, FB Area, Baldia Town, Saeedabad, Rangar Mohalla, Banaras, Sohrab Goth and New Karachi. The operation, which started from Lyari, is now more and more even-handed; hitting at areas not just limited to the Pakistan People’s Party’s (PPP’s) domain. This is a step in the right direction. The operation has to be across the board to be a success and to rid Karachi of gangsters, criminals and murderers. There is some hope that the ruling PPP is going to act wisely now instead of picking and choosing in pursuit of its policy of reconciliation.

On another note, Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry endorsed what we have been saying in this space for quite some time now. He warned the politicians that in the past, a bad law and order situation had led to military takeovers. The Chief Justice said, “Allegations and counter-allegations are levelled by political parties against each other. Criminal gangs have been formed in the parties and people have been made hostage.” The chief justice is not off the mark when he warned the politicians of what could happen of they do not address the issues at hand and keep bickering amongst each other. A minister told a reporter that there is no chance of the PPP and the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) “coming together in the near future because the two parties appear to have developed serious differences over how Karachi should be run”.

The PPP’s policy of reconciliation has cost this country, especially Karachi, dearly, notwithstanding the rationale that it was necessary for the smooth running of democracy. The dangers of pursuing this policy in Karachi are greater than anywhere else. If Karachi comes to a standstill, our economy suffers. Karachi is the economic hub of the country. Already due to increased terrorism, foreign investors do not want to touch Pakistan. The energy crisis has led to a virtual end of industry in the country (note not only capital flight but whole industries relocating out of Pakistan). Now we depend more and more on Karachi to steer this country out of the economic mess. With the law and order situation deteriorating in Karachi, that ray of hope is dimming with every passing day. The MQM seems to be on a verbal offensive, as was seen during MQM chief Altaf Hussain’s press conference yesterday. What remains to be seen is whether the MQM and other political parties will think of the people of Pakistan or just their own petty disputes. Pakistan’s future hangs in the balance. Time for all political forces to take stock.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Democracy in the dock

2011-09-09T06:00:00.000-07:00

It seems that Pakistani politicians have a profound love for theatrics. Zulfiqar Mirza’s explosive press conference on August 28 made headlines but the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) responded to Dr Mirza’s hard-hitting allegations with restraint, which was quite a departure from the MQM’s usual method of rebuttal. MQM leader Faisal Sabzwari responded to Dr Mirza’s press conference on August 30. That was not the end of it. On Tuesday night, MQM leader Mustafa Kamal held another press conference and appeared on a private television channel later to deny all allegations levelled at the MQM by Dr Mirza. “The negative and biased thinking and acts of accusing the MQM and Quaid-i-Tehreek Altaf Hussain of indulging in anti-Pakistan activities should be stopped forthwith in the interest of the country and its people,” said Mr Kamal. He was of the opinion that Dr Mirza’s views were not part of the Pakistan People’s Party’s (PPP’s) official policy, something the PPP has also said in its defence. Mr Kamal came down hard on the media and human rights organisations for fanning anti-MQM sentiment. The MQM also criticised President Supreme Court Bar Association (SCBA) Asma Jahangir for her statement: “The MQM is the inventor of extortion while other parties followed it.” Ms Jahangir did not just single out the MQM, she also blamed other parties like the MQM-Haqiqi, the PPP and the Awami National Party (ANP) for the violence in Karachi. The MQM has a monopoly of power for the longest time in Karachi; to the extent it still wields considerable power in urban Sindh, particularly in Karachi. But now other political players are trying to garner support in order to rout the MQM. This has led to turf wars, which in turn leads to target killings and general unrest in the city.

The MQM’s response to the allegations was far from satisfactory. The Supreme Court (SC) should evaluate the evidence and decide once and for all whether these are mere rumours or there is any weight in what Dr Mirza said. The PPP, for its part, needs to conduct an operation across the board despite the fact that it might end up annoying its former and incumbent coalition partners, the ANP and the MQM. By carrying out an operation in Lyari, the PPP has already irritated its own constituency but it should not shirk its responsibility of restoring peace in the metropolis.

In all this war of words between politicians, what is being missed is an important factor. All this will benefit undemocratic forces waiting in the wings to discredit the politicians. Director-General (DG) Rangers Major-General Mohammad Ejaz Chaudhry informed the SC that the situation in Karachi was worse than that of Waziristan and a military solution was only temporary. For lasting peace, a political solution was needed. The DG Rangers is right in asking for a political solution because in Waziristan, there is one enemy: the jihadist Taliban. In Karachi, there are many shades of militants who belong to different ethnicities. When the economic and financial hub of the country descends into chaos and anarchy, politicians as a class run the risk of being rendered irrelevant in the march of history in a direction we are all too familiar with. Instead of providing a chance to the army to intervene in Karachi, all democratic forces must come together and reach a consensus on how to control the situation. Our politicians must not forget that the army would not just stop at Karachi; it might want a bigger share of the pie if things get out of hand.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Interesting ‘disclosure’

2011-09-07T05:07:00.001-07:00

Senator Nawabzada Lashkari Raisani, a former PPP Balochistan president, has made an interesting disclosure. He has said that a prominent insurgent leader of Balochistan, who lives in self-imposed exile, had approached Mr Raisani and agreed to lay down arms. Balochistan Chief Minister Nawab Mohammad Aslam Raisani has welcomed this ‘news’. The said insurgent leader is now said to be ready to join mainstream politics. Since Senator Raisani did not disclose the Baloch leader’s name, we cannot speculate about his identity or the veracity of this claim. If we were to concede that a Baloch leader has made such an offer, there are implications for the Baloch resistance movement. There may be a leader or a group under that leader who do not see much future for armed resistance in Balochistan and want to give it up in order to join mainstream politics and address their issues through parliamentary means. From the point of view of the resistance movement, this could be a setback and would weaken it to some extent. From the government’s point of view, it would be considered an achievement and a move forward if an insurgent Baloch leader joins peaceful politics. But for this to actually materialise, the government has to successfully negotiate with the insurgent leader and ensure that he is able to return safely to the country. What happens to him once he returns is also critical if the government is serious about making this an example to win the trust of other Baloch leaders in exile or in the mountains.

What is even more important is that even when the said leader returns, gives up armed resistance and joins mainstream politics, the core and central issues related to Balochistan will not once more be put in deep freeze. In that case, the ‘offer’ could well turn out to be a one-off and not a successful model. We have argued many times in the past that there is no military solution to the Balochistan issue. There has to be a political settlement. The government must end the ongoing military operation in the province, bring the disappeared Baloch back to their homes, negotiate with all Baloch leaders – both in Pakistan and those living in exile – and give the Baloch people their due rights.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

The curse of intolerance

2011-09-06T03:46:00.000-07:00

A myriad curses afflict Pakistan. One of them is intolerance of views – religious and other. In this intolerant climate, the news of an innocent Ahmedi’s death at the hands of bigots points at the rot in our society. Naseem Ahmed was assassinated in Faisalabad late night on Saturday. For the past few months, the All Pakistan Students Khatam-e-Nabuwat Federation has been distributing pamphlets with the names and addresses of prominent Ahmedi businessmen, senior teachers and doctors residing in Faisalabad. These pamphlets openly give a call to kill members of the Ahmediyya community in the name of Islam and wrongfully accuse the Ahmedis of “conspiracies against Islam and Pakistan”. It is not the first time that such hate campaigns have been launched against the Ahmediyya community in Pakistan. Ever since the Ahmedis were declared non-Muslim by parliament back in 1974, they have been treated with utter contempt and nauseating hate by most of their fellow Pakistanis. What is even more deplorable is the indifferent attitude of the Pakistani state. The Ahmediyya community has sustained targeted attacks by fanatics and lost thousands of members at the hands of religious extremists and yet no government has taken action against the culprits.

This begs the question: which religion and/or law allows killing of innocent people? That the worst crimes against the Ahmedis have taken place in Punjab should have been reason enough for the provincial government to be more vigilant. But the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) tries its best not to ‘annoy’ the religious right and extremist organisations. The PML-N’s attitude is out there for all to see; hence it is important that the federal government should take note of the hate campaign in Punjab if the provincial government is not doing its job. After all, the Ahmedis are as much citizens of Pakistan as anyone else. Mr Naseem Ahmed’s death is a clear case of neglect and perhaps even the authorities’ collusion with murderers and terrorists. Pakistan is in the grip of an insane mindset. We have been afflicted by terrorism for far too long; it is time to get back to our moderate roots. For this, the security establishment too has to play a role. It must abandon its policy of supporting terrorist groups, which is the root cause of increased intolerance in Pakistani society. Not just that, the military must get rid of all extremist elements within the army in order to strengthen the country. Moderate Islam was the defining ethos of Pakistan before jihadis were unleashed upon us by our security establishment. Intolerance in Pakistan is not just hurting the people but the country and the region as a whole.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Army’s ‘concern’ on Karachi

2011-09-05T04:56:00.000-07:00

Major-General Athar Abbas, Director General (DG) Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR), said that the Pakistan army felt concerned about the poor law and order situation in Karachi, just like all other people. Major-General Abbas said that it was the duty of the law enforcement agencies to conduct operations against all criminals and terrorists without discrimination as it “would help bring peace to Karachi”. According to the DG ISPR, the army was concerned over the death of innocent citizens in the metropolis and the poor law and order situation in Karachi had an impact on the whole country. So far the army had remained relatively quiet on the situation in Karachi, as it should have. Now, with Major-General Abbas’s comments, it seems that the army is once again trying to meddle in matters that are in the domain of the democratically elected government. Whether the public agrees with President Zardari’s reconciliation policy or not is a separate matter but the army’s ‘concern’ may sound to some as critical of the civilian government’s policy. The army should not have any role in such issues. This is the actual problem that the Pakistani state is faced with. Every now and then, the army – which is the most powerful institution in Pakistan – tries to undermine the civilians by asserting its authority. The army needs to stop this if it wants the country to progress. Pakistan has a parliamentary democracy whereby parliament is supreme, not the army or any other institution. All institutions of the state must remain within their constitutional parameters.

The Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) tried to appease the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) by ignoring its criminal activities ever since it came to power in 2008. This policy annoyed Sindhi nationalists and the PPP’s own Sindhi constituency. It was in this context that PPP’s leader Zulfiqar Mirza gave up all party and government positions in protest and lashed out at the MQM and Interior Minister Rehman Malik. There is no doubt that the surgical operation being conducted in Karachi should be across the board and should target all those responsible for the breakdown of law and order in the city. Criminal gangs working side by side with different political parties should be nailed and penalised. The MQM was the party that initiated a trend of terrorist wings and torture cells in Karachi. Other political parties followed suit in order to counter the MQM’s dominance. So far, MQM-dominated areas have not been targeted by the law enforcement agencies. It is time the government forgets about annoying the MQM and does something for the public instead. Interestingly, Prime Minister Gilani asked land grabbers to vacate state land worth trillions of rupees within a month. Mr Gilani said, “People of the country in general and the people of Sindh in particular stood up against the land grabbers, extortionists, and terrorists and they would not rest till these criminals are eliminated from the province.” It is beyond comprehension why the prime minister is appealing to the land grabbers to vacate state land instead of ensuring that they do so by taking strict action against them. The people of Karachi have already suffered a lot at the hands of criminals and now they want some reprieve. Peace in Sindh, particularly in Karachi, can only be restored once the government decides to nab all those responsible for terrorising the people.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Israel-Turkey standoff

2011-09-05T04:55:00.000-07:00

The UN report on the Turkish-led aid flotilla has run into controversy. It has been dubbed as a document sans consensus. Both the Israeli and Turkish members of the panel that authored the report distanced themselves from it as it said that Israeli commandos faced “organised and violent resistance from a group of passengers” while Israeli forces acted with “excessive and unreasonable force”. The UN report becomes meaningless once the two countries disassociated themselves from it. Turkey demanded that Israel apologise for killing innocent passengers, pay compensation and take steps regarding the blockade. But Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said his country would not apologise over the incident as it “has the full and basic right to defend itself”. In the wake of this confrontation, Turkey suspended military agreements with Israel and its foreign minister announced: “Turkey-Israel diplomatic relations have been reduced to a second secretary level. All personnel above the second secretary level will be sent home by Wednesday at the latest.” Turkey will now challenge Israel’s Gaza blockade in the International Court of Justice (ICJ). The tone of exchanges between the two countries has become increasingly bitter, which is why the UN, European nations and the US have asked the two countries to mend their relations and repair ties. Turkey was one of the few Muslim countries that had diplomatic relations with Israel but now it has stood up against Israeli arrogance and for its own citizens.

The Gaza blockade has no justification in international law and is completely illegal despite Israel’s stand that it is necessary to prevent Hamas from obtaining weapons. Even if Hamas is able to get weapons if the blockade is removed, that is no reason to collectively punish the Palestinians on the basis of this assumption. The way Israel handled the aid flotilla incident, attacking the flotilla when it was far outside Israel's exclusion zone off the Gaza coast, was the way the Zionist state usually handles such situations. Turkey has quite rightly disagreed with the UN report but the pressure on both countries shows that the west’s interests in the region are under threat from this breach between two allies. Using excessive force for Israel’s self-conceived notion of security is not justified under any circumstances. But as has been seen in the past, the west turns a blind eye to Israel’s human rights violations while pressurising the Palestinians unduly. It is time for the UN to demand that Israel’s illegal blockade of Gaza be lifted and the world should back the UN on this. Tyranny by any country, no matter how powerful, should never be tolerated.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Sectarian warfare reignited

2011-09-03T03:21:00.000-07:00

Two despicable terrorist attacks targeting the Shiites in Pakistan should ring alarm bells but it seems that the Pakistani state is oblivious to any such warnings. On Eid day, 11 people lost their lives while more than a dozen others were injured when a suicide bomber targeted a Shia congregation offering Eid prayers in Quetta. A day later, seven Shias were killed when gunmen opened fire on a minibus on its way to Parachinar in Kurram Agency. There are not enough words to condemn the attack on a mosque on Eid day and another attack on innocent travellers on the second day of Eid. Hazara Shias in Balochistan and Shias in Parachinar have been targeted continuously by sectarian groups over the years. The resurgence of sectarian groups is alarming. In the 1980s and 90s, sectarian killings became a norm in Pakistan because of General Ziaul Haq’s extremist policies. The military and its intelligence agencies aided and abetted sectarian groups like the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), among others, to pursue the state’s nefarious agendas as well as their own. The Wahabi school of thought, propagated through Saudi-funded madrassas and organisations, are inherently anti-Shia. Saudi Arabia’s enmity with Shiite Iran is no secret. Wahabis have been using Pakistan to fight their proxy war against Iran and Shias in the region for decades now. Pakistani mercenary forces are presently being used in Bahrain to barbarically quell the majority Shiite uprising.

Pakistan’s military and its intelligence agencies are very active when it comes to intimidating, harassing and killing Baloch nationalists and/or progressive elements in the country. But when it comes to protecting the Shias or religious minorities, these same forces are found wanting in their duties. It seems that our law enforcement and security agencies have turned a blind eye to the massacre of Shias in Balochistan, Kurram and elsewhere in the country despite there being a pattern of systematic attacks on Shias. The reasons behind this could be many. Either the security forces are helpless, plain incompetent or complicit in these attacks. Whatever the reasons for the security agencies’ failure in protecting the citizens of Pakistan, especially the Shias, it is beyond disgusting that the ‘Islamic Republic of Pakistan’ continues to ignore the plight of its Shias. We have seen several terrorist attacks on Shiite processions in the holy month of Muharram. Even though the state provides some sort of security during Muharram, the Shia community itself is far more vigilant than our law enforcement agencies. This is a sad state of affairs because it is the responsibility of the state to ensure the safety of its citizens, be they from any sect or religion.

The Pakistani state is fast turning into one of the most intolerant societies in the world. Attacks on the Ahmediyya community, Christians, Hindus and Sikhs are usually swept under the carpet while the attacks on Shias are condemned but not much is done to counter these attacks or nail the culprits. This gives a signal of poor law enforcement and gives rise to a climate where the country is seen as a pariah state. Islam preaches tolerance but our ruling elite think that just by naming our country an ‘Islamic Republic’ we have done great service to Islam. On the contrary, by mixing religion and the state’s affairs we have made Pakistan into a quasi-theocratic state fast turning into an extremist hotbed. In order to save Pakistan from poisonous elements, the country must be turned into a pluralistic, democratic and secular state.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Zulfi Mirza vs the MQM

2011-09-02T04:07:00.000-07:00

The Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) has disowned Zulfiqar Mirza’s allegations after a meeting was held at the Presidency. The PPP suspended Dr Mirza’s basic membership. On Tuesday, Dr Mirza announced that he was quitting politics and lashed out at the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) once again. This time he chose Hyderabad as the venue. On the other hand, the MQM challenged Dr Mirza to provide proof to substantiate his allegations against the party. MQM leader Faisal Sabzwari said, “It is a lie that the MQM’s enemies have been narrating since the party was created, which is nothing new.” Mr Sabzwari further added that Dr Mirza’s “drama was carried out to divert attention from the suo motu hearing of the Supreme Court (SC) on the Karachi situation” and alleged that Dr Mirza wanted to create rifts between the Pashtuns and the Muhajir community. The MQM asked its workers to remain calm. The SC has expressed its dissatisfaction over a report presented by Inspector General (IG) of Sindh Police Wajid Durrani on the Karachi situation and directed the government to expose those behind the spate of violence. This should serve as a wake-up call for the law enforcement agencies. The apex court has done the right thing by pointing out its dissatisfaction with the report. It is time that the government comes clean about the real perpetrators of violence in Karachi regardless of their party affiliations.

The PPP is still wedded to its so-called policy of reconciliation and there are reports that the MQM may join the federal and provincial government soon. Explanations regarding Dr Mirza’s allegations are being called for left, right and centre – be it the Awami National Party (ANP), Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif or other political leaders. Responses and demands aside, whatever Dr Mirza has said merits serious consideration. The situation in Karachi has reached a critical stage. It is time that the government adopts a policy that will cut through the maze. Violence continues unabated in Karachi, the bhatta (extortion) mafia, land mafia, drug mafia, trafficking mafia and other such criminal activities have not yet stopped in the city. There is an entire political and ethnic mélange that has put the metropolis under constant siege. While the political parties keep playing politics on dead bodies and play their victimhood card, it is the common citizens who keep suffering. The surgical operation that has been launched in the city should be seen through to the bitter end. So far we have seen that the areas dominated by the MQM have not been touched. Since the PPP wants to keep the MQM on board in order to save its government, the PPP’s own constituency is being alienated. Prime Minister Gilani said, “The government cannot and would not allow the terrorists and gangsters to play with the lives of innocent people of Karachi.” Well, if he is really serious about getting rid of terrorists and criminals, his government should be expedient in carrying out justice instead of being politically partisan. The government’s credibility is already decreasing day by day. By carrying out an operation across the board, the government would not just save Karachi but would also add to its credibility. Here is wishing a peaceful Eid in Pakistan, particularly in Karachi.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Zulfi Mirza’s explosive ‘allegations’

2011-08-30T10:00:00.000-07:00

Sunday is usually a slow news day in most countries but in Pakistan this is a rarity. Dr Zulfiqar Mirza, a fiery Sindhi leader belonging to the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) who is known for his controversial statements, held an explosive press conference on Sunday. It lasted for more than two hours (apart from another unofficial press conference for almost two hours on a private television channel later at night), where Zulfi Mirza took oath on the Quran that whatever he said would be nothing but the truth. Dr Mirza was an MPA from the Sindh Assembly, senior provincial minister, PPP Sindh’s vice-president and member of the PPP’s Central Executive Committee (CEC). Not only did he quit all party and government posts (Mirza did not renounce his PPP membership and vowed to die as a PPP worker), he created ripples by certain disclosures about federal Interior Minister Rehman Malik, Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) chief Altaf Hussain and the MQM itself. Dr Mirza called Rehman Malik a compulsive liar and alleged that he is working hand in glove with killers and terrorists. He called Altaf Hussain a “killer” and the MQM a “terrorist organisation”. Dr Mirza said that the orders to kill come from London, where Mr Hussain lives in self-exile, and the killing spree ends on the orders from London. Dr Mirza laid the blame of journalist Wali Khan Babar’s death at the doorstep of the MQM apart from hurling various other serious allegations against the party. Dr Mirza said he had substantial proof of all that he had said.

The PPP, it seems, has distanced itself from Dr Mirza’s statements once again. Federal Information Minister Dr Firdous Ashiq Awan said that Mirza did not represent the party line and these were his personal views. Mr Rehman Malik also denied these allegations and said that Dr Mirza was like his younger brother, thus he does not mind what was nothing but an emotional outburst by Sindh’s former home minister. The MQM, surprisingly, did not react as sharply as was expected from the party. The MQM said that Dr Mirza “tried to fan hatred and violence” as is his wont and “it is Dr Mirza who was aiding and abetting killers, terrorists, kidnappers, dacoits and other criminals involved in heinous offences”. The Coordination Committee of the MQM demanded that the PPP leadership should take serious notice of the allegations levelled by Dr Mirza against the party and explain their position.

The reasons behind Dr Mirza’s explosive allegations are still unknown but it should be kept in mind that Sindhis’ resentment against the MQM goes a long way back. Ever since the MQM was formed back in the 1980s, it is said to be indulging in terrorism not just against others but even its own people. The MQM’s torture cells were exposed in the 90s; by now other political parties have followed suit. Thus Dr Mirza’s accusations against the MQM are nothing new. The MQM asserted its dominance in Karachi, Hyderabad and some other urban centres of Sindh and as a result, Sindhis were marginalised in these cities. The migration of the Pashtuns into Karachi changed the demographic realities. The Sindhis, Pashtuns, Punjabis and Baloch felt that the MQM was an exclusivist ethnic party. President Zardari’s policy of 'reconciliation' led the PPP to mollycoddle the MQM, which allowed the MQM’s blackmailing tactics to succeed. On the other hand, starting the surgical operation from Lyari was perhaps not the wisest thing to do as it is a PPP stronghold. Instead of starting an operation all over Karachi, especially in the areas dominated by the MQM, the first target was the PPP itself. But one thing is clear: Rehman Malik is not following his own policy; he has been given a mandate by President Zardari. To pin everything on Mr Malik is thus not entirely fair. The disillusionment and dismay within the PPP’s Sindhi constituency was visible when the local government system was reintroduced in Sindh by the PPP. Dr Mirza might be positioning himself as the leader of the PPP’s Sindhi constituency apart from trying to ally the Sindhi nationalists with himself. If this happens, the PPP will be hit the most. But there are speculations whether President Zardari is playing political chess by pitting Dr Mirza against the MQM once again. Pakistan’s politics is as intriguing as ever. The Chief Justice has asked the Supreme Court (SC) to obtain the text of Dr Miza’s allegations. It is hoped that the SC would conduct an impartial inquiry into these allegations and bring about some substantial results to correct Karachi's wrongs.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Intriguing developments in Kashmir

2011-08-28T15:51:00.000-07:00

Maulana Showkat Ahmed Shah, president Jamiat-e-Ahle Hadees, was killed in April this year in Srinagar by an improvised explosive device (IED). This was the third attempt on his life, the previous two being in 2006 and 2008. Maulana Showkat was known as a moderate Kashmiri cleric despite his closeness to Yasin Malik’s faction of the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF). In an interesting development, Pakistan-based banned organisation, Lashkar-e-Tayyaba (LeT), conducted an internal investigation into and admitted that those responsible were from within its ranks. As per the LeT, “Earlier we thought the Indian army or its agencies killed Maulvi [Showkat Ahmed Shah] to defame the movement and create misgivings. We had not even imagined that the murderer would turn out to be our own men.” What is even more intriguing is that the LeT hinted at Pakistan’s hand in the assassination by stating that “it is possible that this order, this message [to kill Maulana Showkat] may have come from Pakistan”. LeT has had overt and covert support from the Pakistan military and the ISI to carry out jihadist activities in Indian Kashmir and terrorist activities in other parts of India. The LeT is also said to be behind the 2008 Mumbai attacks. So, what could possibly be the reason for the LeT to turn against its own men and its handlers in Pakistan?

From 2004 onwards, when General Musharraf started a peace process with India, militant groups that were used against India, like the LeT, were put in deep freeze. When the indigenous movement started in Kashmir back in 1989, it soon fell into the hands of Pakistan-backed jihadis. Their support deteriorated because of hardline views that they tried to impose on the Kashmiris. The armed struggle dwindled partly because of its increasing ineffectiveness and partly because of hardline Islamic views. Last year’s protests in Kashmir were different from the armed struggle. It seems as if killing of moderate Kashmiri leaders is an act of desperation on the part of the extremists to reclaim their lost ground by frightening and intimidating moderate voices. LeT’s claim that men from within its ranks acted alone is hard to believe since members of this banned organisation follow strict discipline. Either it is a cover-up or the reaction against Maulana Showkat’s assassination was so strong that they had to finally admit to it, while at the same time distancing themselves from responsibility. This also points to the difficulties that the Kashmir movement is going through right now. The Indian government should have taken recent developments as an opportunity to seek a political solution to the Kashmir issue but it seems to be sitting complacently. If the Indian government talks to all factions of the Kashmiri leadership and finds middle ground, even Pakistan would not have any reason to argue against it. The Kashmiri people have suffered enough through the decades; they do not deserve any more pain.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Balochistan: lies, lies and more lies

2011-08-25T16:07:00.000-07:00

Balochistan Frontier Corps (FC) Inspector General (IG) Major-General Ubaidullah Khan is irked by a recently released 132-page report by the Human Rights Watch (HRW) titled, ‘We Can Torture, Kill, or Keep You for Years: Enforced Disappearances by Pakistan Security Forces in Balochistan’. Major-General Khan rejected the HRW report and said that the security forces were not responsible for the enforced disappearances in Balochistan. He further said that such a report was an attempt to discourage the law enforcement agencies from doing their job while encouraging the ‘terrorists’. The FC chief’s statement might have been laughable had it not been so tragic. The so-called ‘terrorists’ Major-General Khan is referring to are the Baloch nationalists who have only been raising their voices against unjust acts by the military and its proxies. Terming them terrorists while calling the Afghan Taliban its ‘strategic assets’ shows how warped our military’s policies are. To discredit the HRW, a highly respected and impartial human rights organisation recognised worldwide for its efforts at highlighting rights violations, is a disservice to all human rights groups. The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) also released a report on Balochistan a couple of months ago, pointing at the involvement of state security forces in enforced disappearances.

Major-General Ubaidullah Khan was of the view that it was important to try criminals in the courts rather than killing them. If only he believed in his own words, thousands of Baloch would not have gone missing and hundreds of bullet-riddled bodies would not have been dumped on roads every other day in Balochistan. That the Baloch are blaming the FC and spy agencies for committing genocide in Balochistan is not without reason. A military operation is going on in the province. It has only led to more frustration and despair in the country’s largest province. Separatist sentiment in Balochistan is increasing gradually as a result of state oppression. To see our military men expressing ‘concern’ at the situation in Balochistan when they themselves are responsible for creating the mess in the first place is comical. Turning a blind eye to their own mistakes is not going to serve any purpose. The only way to resolve the issue is through a political solution.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Kashmir and Balochistan: some similarities

2011-08-23T14:31:00.000-07:00

Indian Jammu and Kashmir State Human Rights Commission (SHRC), for the first time, has officially acknowledged that 2,156 unnamed bodies have been buried in mass graves across Indian Kashmir. According to the report, “There is every probability that these unidentified dead bodies buried in various unmarked graves at 38 places of North Kashmir may contain the dead bodies of enforced disappearances.” The SHRC report has asked for DNA identification apart from a thorough investigation; 574 bodies have been identified as local residents of Indian Kashmir and their families have been informed. Amnesty International has asked for an impartial investigation while J&K Chief Minister Omar Abdullah proposed a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to ascertain “who have been buried in these (unmarked) graves”. Mr Abdullah said the commission “should be given the agenda that whichever incidents have happened in the last 20-21 years whether (because of) militants or security forces, wherever questions have been raised...to find answers to those questions”. In 1989, an insurgency broke out in Indian Kashmir and thus began decades of unrest in the volatile state. Indian security forces were said to be behind enforced disappearances. According to Human Rights Watch (HRW), its September 2006 report, ‘Everyone Lives in Fear: Patterns of Impunity in Jammu and Kashmir’, “found that the Indian army and paramilitaries, as well as the militants, many backed by Pakistan, were responsible for human rights abuses and that the political and legal systems in India and Pakistan had failed to end abuses or punish the perpetrators”.

That an official Indian human rights commission has presented a report pointing at possible state atrocities must be commended. Now it is up to the Indian government to ensure that those who are responsible for such inhumane acts are held accountable. There can never be peace in Kashmir unless and until these atrocities are accounted for and those responsible brought to justice. Those in Pakistan who are sadly ‘rejoicing’ at this unfortunate news should think about the atrocities being committed in Balochistan by the Pakistani military and its proxies. At least the Indian state has taken the first step by uncovering human rights violations in Kashmir while Pakistan continues to ignore state oppression being committed against the Baloch. Pakistan can no longer paper over its ‘kill and dump’ policy in Balochistan. Thousands of Baloch have been missing and Pakistan’s spy agencies are said to be behind the abductions, torture and murder of Baloch nationalists. The wave of separatism in Balochistan has picked up momentum because of this phenomenon. If we support the Kashmiris’ right to accountability for crimes committed by the Indian security forces, how can we justify our double standards in the case of Balochistan? Pakistan either needs to stop the military operation in Balochistan and give the Baloch their due rights or be prepared for the breakdown of the federation.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Dangers ahead

2011-08-20T17:10:00.001-07:00

The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) has urged Pakistan to “take immediate steps” to probe the recent spate of disappearances and killings of journalists in the country. “In the past eight days alone, we have received reports on the killing of one journalist, Munir Shakir, in Balochistan on August 14, and the disappearance of another journalist, Rehmatullah Darpakhel, three days earlier in North Waziristan on August 11,” said OHCHR spokesman Rupert Coleville. Apart from the UN, Amnesty International also asked Pakistan to tackle the threats to journalists. “Authorities in Pakistan must ensure journalists and media workers are given adequate protection to carry out their jobs without fearing for their lives,” Amnesty International said. Such concerns have been expressed both at the local level and internationally.

Journalists in Balochistan and the tribal areas have had to face a lot of dangers. In Balochistan, journalists are intimidated, harassed, kidnapped and killed by the military and its proxies. In the tribal areas, journalists have to face the wrath of both the militants and the military. Almost three months ago, renowned investigative journalist Saleem Shahzad was kidnapped from Islamabad and two days later his dead body was found from Mandi Bahauddin. It is believed that Pakistan’s premier spy agency, the ISI, is behind Mr Shahzad’s brutal murder and a judicial commission to probe his murder has been formed.

Journalists in Pakistan are no strangers to danger. Many journalists have lost their lives while covering conflict. Journalists in Pakistan are between a rock and a hard place – they are harassed and threatened by the terrorists, religious right wing, powerful mafias, and/or the military. Some journalists have even had to leave the country following threats to their lives. The culture of impunity is one reason why journalists do not feel safe here. While a large portion of our media is right wing and toes the military’s line, there are some notable exceptions, particularly in the English press, who are not afraid to voice their objective opinions. There are still many honest and credible journalists on our private television channels as well who do not shy away from speaking the truth.

It is time for all journalist bodies to come together, regardless of their ideological differences, and ensure that their colleagues’ lives are protected. The government also needs to punish those behind such acts. It is the duty of the media to bring to light hard facts. If journalists are not able to do their jobs fearlessly, then we cannot call our media ‘free’.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Venom spewing airwaves

2011-08-20T05:33:00.000-07:00

Apparently, Mian Nawaz Sharif’s speech on August 13 at a South Asian Free Media Association (SAFMA) seminar riled up quite a few people. Rather than encouraging an arms race, Mr Sharif talked about peace and economic ties with India. Reactionary elements, both within the media and outside, flared up at his rational suggestions. A private television channel aired programmes on two consecutive days hosted by a certain female anchor who is well known for hate speech and inciting violence. The said host and some of her guests launched a diatribe against SAFMA. One of the panellists, Zaid Hamid, described correctly as a “so-called analyst”, accused SAFMA of being funded by Indian intelligence agency RAW and to be pursuing the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Bal Thackeray’s agenda. SAFMA Secretary General Imtiaz Alam and other office bearers of various SAFMA branches in Pakistan have decided to issue libel notices to the concerned accusers “for their highly irresponsible and provocative conduct”.

A statement issued by SAFMA said, “What is quite despicable is that [Zaid] Hamid, the anchor of the programme, her team, and the owner of the private TV channel, did not have the decency to invite any SAFMA representative to rebut the atrocious allegations.” More than 50 senior Pakistani journalists expressed their concern at the “shameful accusations” hurled at a credible media body and condemned the talk show, which violated all journalistic ethics. Such allegations are not just defamatory and libellous but can be very dangerous as was seen in the case of Salmaan Taseer, against whom a media hate campaign was launched, which arguably encouraged his cowardly assassin.

The said programme was not just full of baseless allegations against SAFMA but also featured content full of anti-India and anti-Hindu rhetoric. Hate-mongering based on religious differences should not be allowed to be aired on our television channels. There seems to be no sense of responsibility in our media, especially the electronic media, when it comes to jingoism and hate speech. The accused are well within their right to take legal recourse but Pakistan Electronic Media Regularity Authority (PEMRA) should have taken notice of the content of the programme. In the past we have seen that a popular televangelist’s fatwa (religious edict) against the Ahmediyya community led to the deaths of a few innocent people. Had timely action been taken against the said televangelist, others would have been restrained from indulging in such abuse. Those who are using our airwaves to spew venom should be duly penalised. Pakistani society is fast becoming radicalised and intolerant, and such programmes make things worse. Pakistan’s media might be relatively free but this does not give our media license to abuse these freedoms.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Complacency of the ruling elite

2011-08-20T05:32:00.000-07:00

PML-N chief Mian Nawaz Sharif recently gave a call for fresh elections. He asked the nation to stand up to the government and not allow anyone to play with their mandate. Mr Sharif was of the view that the problems being faced by Pakistan could only be resolved if elections were held immediately. Prime Minister Gilani rejected Mr Sharif’s call for early elections and said that the next elections would be held on time. The timing of Mr Sharif’s demand is interesting. For quite some time, members of the PML-N had been demanding mid-term polls but Mian sahib kept ignoring these demands and was quite content with letting this government complete its term. So why has Nawaz Sharif changed his mind now? There could be a few factors. One of them is that the PML-N’s popularity in Punjab has suffered greatly due to its mismanagement and misgovernance. If Mr Sharif thinks this is a good a time to go back to the electorate, he is in for a surprise. Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif’s government has not performed well ever since it came to power in Punjab. Their so-called pro-people projects like Sasti Roti Scheme have proved to be anything but helpful for the public. Instead, these projects only led to more corruption and became a burden on the provincial exchequer. If the PML-N wants to go for an election again, it may not turn out to be an advantageous move because the party hardly has an organisation outside central Punjab. Mian sahib’s call thus seems more like a pressure tactic. Whether this will put the government under any pressure seems unlikely given Prime Minister Gilani’s nonchalant attitude.

Mr Gilani said that all the state institutions were working within the ambit of the constitution and were following democratic norms and processes, so he was unaware of what Mr Sharif was pointing at. The PPP-led coalition government should complete its tenure but that does not mean it can afford to be complacent. The PPP keeps trotting out its achievements, i..e. the 18th Amendment and NFC Award, which are great achievements indeed, but the government should not sit sanguine and pretend that everything is hunky-dory. Nobody wishes to tilt against democracy but a democratic dispensation also has to deliver. In a country like Pakistan, people lose patience with democratic governments when they fail to deliver. The government needs a wakeup call. Unemployment has risen considerably under this regime while inflation has broken the back of the masses. The global recession and terrorism have contributed to many of these problems but the government has not done much to address the issues of concern to the masses. This reflects poorly on the PPP and its ability to deliver.

As far as institutions are concerned, the ongoing tussle between the executive and the judiciary is cause for concern. The government might be on good terms with the military since it is doing its bidding in virtually all matters, but this can hardly be taken to mean that every institution is working within its parameters. By not challenging the military’s control over the country’s foreign and security policies, especially when the civilian politicians had a chance post-Osama bin Laden’s death, the government has not done the country or itself any favour. By trying only to safeguard its interests, taken to mean mere completion of its term, the PPP is increasingly disappointing the electorate. Thus the prime minister’s complacency is certainly misplaced. In order to restore the faith of the masses in democracy, the PPP must work harder towards reforms and good governance. Pakistan needs stability, not another uniformed ‘saviour’ who might take advantage of the current malaise.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Balochistan: false promises

2011-08-17T17:23:00.001-07:00

The government is at it again: making promises it will never be able to fulfil when it comes to Balochistan. Apparently, the federal government has ‘authorised’ the provincial government of Balochistan to begin dialogue with all political forces in the province. This is akin to just going through the motions because the provincial government itself confesses to being powerless. On August 14, Prime Minister Gilani said, “The government is in touch with leaders of Balochistan and the effort and desire is that a uniform strategy should be drawn in consultation with the leadership.” Now this is something that we have been hearing for a long time but has the government made any effort to find someone who can reach out to the Baloch leadership is the question that needs to be asked. So far there are no signs on the ground that can point to the government’s ‘plan’ of reaching out to the Baloch leadership. As far as the provincial government is concerned, it has no power to stop the military operation going on in Balochistan. If the government is serious about negotiating with the Baloch leaders, those in Pakistan and those living in exile, it has to first end the ongoing military operation. Every single day, the Frontier Corps (FC) and our intelligence agencies whisk away Baloch people, torture them and in most cases kill them. Bullet-riddled bodies of the Baloch are found all over the province on any given day. If this is the way things are going to be, no Baloch leader would be willing to talk to the government.

The government cannot keep dishing out packages like the Aghaz-e-Haqooq-e-Balochistan package while completely ignoring the genocide of the Baloch. The government should also pay attention to what the members of the National Assembly’s Standing Committee on Inter-Provincial Coordination said about giving due representation to the people of Balochistan in the oil and gas companies. PML-N’s Javed Hashmi pointed out, “If I were a resident of Balochistan, I would also stand for independence because of successive military operations that pushed the people of the province towards the wall.” The government has to realise that the separatist sentiment in Balochistan is gaining momentum. On August 14, the people of Balochistan were not celebrating ‘Independence Day’; they were protesting against state oppression and asking for azaadi (freedom). More recently, Mir Humayun Marri and Jamil Bugti are being harassed by the authorities and Marri has accused them of plotting to kill him. Intimidation of Mir Humayun Marri and Jamil Bugti is not an isolated incident. It is a clear message to Jamil Bugti who is pursuing Nawab Akbar Bugti’s murder case while targeting Humayun Marri may be an attempt to indirectly hit at Nawab Khair Bux Marri. This is how our military and intelligence agencies operate in Balochistan.

By creating a climate of fear, intimidation and terror, the military is not doing the federation of Pakistan any favour. The Baloch cannot be cowed down by oppression. The sooner the military understands this the better. The federal government keeps whitewashing the situation by talking about a dialogue but negotiations with the Baloch are a non-starter under the prevailing circumstances. The Baloch are asking for the right of self-determination and there are some big powers in the world who would not oppose this. If the government and the military establishment want to save Pakistan, they need to wake up and smell the coffee instead of massacring the Baloch.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Conditional aid

2011-08-17T04:38:00.000-07:00

According to a report published in the Wall Street Journal, “The White House has started awarding billions of dollars in security assistance to Pakistan conditional on whether Islamabad shows progress on a secret scorecard of US objectives to combat al Qaeda and its militant allies and ease tensions.” As per the report, which US officials have denied, there are four ‘baskets’ or conditions that Pakistan must fulfil in order to get the desired military aid. These four baskets are: “Pakistani cooperation in exploiting the bin Laden compound; Pakistani cooperation with the war in Afghanistan; Pakistani cooperation with the US in conducting joint counterterrorism operations; and cooperation in improving the overall tone in bilateral relations.” The US recently suspended $ 800 million in military aid to Pakistan. The reasons are quite simple. The furore in Pakistan after the Raymond Davis affair and the Abbottabad raid led to stricter visa restrictions for US officials, removal of American trainers from Pakistan and a controversy regarding the movement of US diplomats. On the one hand, the Raymond Davis affair and Abbottabad raid fuelled anti-American sentiment in Pakistan and on the other the aftermath of these events irritated Washington. Following the May 2 raid, the US Congress questioned the rationale for opening its purse strings when it came to Pakistan’s military. For the first time, the US adopted a nuanced policy and did not touch civilian aid. The US needs to forge a relationship with the people of Pakistan instead of keeping it limited to dictators or the ruling elite. If US aid can improve the quality and standard of life of the people of Pakistan through development in the social sector, it would help quell anti-Americanism in the country.

US officials may deny the report related to conditional military and security aid, but it is hardly surprising. We have been predicting that the Pak-US relationship has gone into a nosedive due to Pakistan’s dual policies. US officials question Pakistan’s reliability and do not want to reward our military for its duplicity. Neither side has been able to paper over the cracks and repair the ruptures in the relationship. The condition of civilian supremacy over the military in the Kerry-Lugar-Berman Act is now being followed in spirit by the US policy-makers. As far as the war on terror is concerned, there was a dichotomy of interests from day one. General Pervez Musharraf took the Americans for a ride but his friend George Bush ignored it. This dichotomy still persists. Far from helping things, it has led to worsening the ties but both sides realise what is at stake. Thus in private both sides are trying to salvage whatever they can of this relationship since there are huge stakes for both Pakistan and the US.

The US is running out of time as the endgame in Afghanistan nears. They need to inflict maximum pain on al Qaeda in a limited time and reduce its capabilities. The US needs Pakistan to bring Mullah Omar to the negotiating table and act against the Haqqani network. Pakistan stands to lose far more than the US if it does not deliver because of the unequal relationship and our dependence on American aid. Therefore, we need to review our support to groups like the Haqqani network to assuage American mistrust and ensure cooperation with the US continues. A pragmatic and rational approach is required if terrorism is to be defeated and peace restored in the region.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Peace with India

2011-08-15T14:08:00.000-07:00

On August 13 at a seminar, PML-N chief Nawaz Sharif made some rather interesting remarks vis-à-vis peace between India and Pakistan. He said, “I was ready to write a new story, but I did not know that General Pervez Musharraf was writing another story, a rather conflicting one.” Mr Sharif was obviously referring to his moves to restore peace in the subcontinent as prime minister of Pakistan through ‘bus diplomacy’, which brought Atal Bihari Vajpayee to Lahore in February 1999. Nawaz Sharif stressed how our obsession with India led to an arms race, due to which Pakistan has suffered immensely. “We should have an economic race instead of getting into an arms race. It is a tragedy that Pakistan’s social sectors, health services, education, economic development, infrastructure have all suffered because our focus was to build up our defence sector.” Mian sahib’s views on peace with India are not new. Normalisation between India and Pakistan seemed to be making progress on his last watch but the Kargil misadventure sabotaged the effort.

It seems that Mr Sharif has had time to reflect and introspect on many things during his time in exile, including his decision to openly make Pakistan a nuclear state. His regret at conducting those tests was visible in his remarks. “I am ‘thankful’ to India for playing a role in making us an atomic power; it would have been better had that not been done.” In 1998 when India conducted nuclear tests again (the first one in 1974), there was a debate in Pakistan whether we should respond with our own tests or stick to nuclear ambiguity. The latter school of thought was of the view that far from making Pakistan more secure, these tests would increase our problems. The other school argued that if we do not respond, the Indian side would not only fulfil its desire to be recognised as an emerging world power, its belligerence vis-à-vis Pakistan could only increase. In the end, Mr Sharif chose to conduct the nuclear tests under pressure from the military and the right wing. Pakistan paid the price for this in the form of international sanctions and increased scrutiny. We have never quite recovered from the virtual economic meltdown since. One consequence of going nuclear was that despite the Kargil war, it became obvious that an all-out war between India and Pakistan had been rendered impossible. The use of nuclear weapons is unthinkable as they are weapons of mass murder. But the downside is that it has focused so much world attention on our nuclear weapons (and the alarmist scenarios of them falling into the wrong hands) that if anything, far from the nuclear weapons safeguarding us, we are charged with guarding them from covetous eyes. Mr Sharif’s remarks should thus serve as food for thought for the military establishment as well as the people of Pakistan.

The logic of history and geography suggests that Pak-India disputes notwithstanding, there is no escape from civilised relations, economic exchange and dialogue. Mr Sharif emphasised that “we need to get out of our 60-year-old stated positions”. Our shared history, culture, heritage and the layered complexity of both societies require rulers with the wisdom to rise above narrow religious views and inculcate tolerance for all faiths and creeds. History moves in strange ways, particularly in the case of Pakistan. Politicians reared, created and promoted by the military establishment get caught up in the dynamics of power and turn on their mentors. The establishment and the right wing that backed Nawaz Sharif are now greatly perturbed by his revisionist views. But the truth is, their ideas are yesterday’s while Mian sahib’s newfound ideas are tomorrow’s. Despite the army’s continued dominance, it seems as if change is in the air in the light of its self-inflicted difficulties vis-à-vis Afghanistan, India and the international community. It is hoped that those in power pay attention to what Mr Sharif uttered. It is time for Pakistan to get over its India-centric obsession and move towards a more sensible set of policies in conformity with today’s world in the hope of a better future.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

Pakistan: still waiting for a new dawn

2011-08-15T03:35:00.000-07:00

Pakistan celebrated its Independence Day yesterday. As is the norm, there were official ceremonies and colourful tributes were paid to our forefathers who struggled for an independent state. In 1947, Pakistan may have gotten its independence from the British Raj but 64 years later, with a moth-eaten country, we are still waiting for a new dawn. Every year, the people of Pakistan wait for some miraculous transformation of this country’s situation but with each passing day, things go from bad to worse. Once again Prime Minister Gilani reiterated Pakistan’s “unhindered moral, diplomatic and political support” to the Kashmiris for their rights but where is this ‘support’ for the people of Balochistan? Prime Minister Gilani might be “ready to go to all Baloch leaders” as the government wants “to bring them in the national mainstream” but on the day he delivered this address, and while the people of Pakistan were celebrating August 14, the people of Balochistan were mourning their dead after an explosion in Dera Allahyar killed more than a dozen and injured many others. In a separate incident, journalist Munir Shakir was gunned down in Khuzdar. No wonder the people of Balochistan want their right of self-determination in the face of state oppression. Pakistani leaders continue to talk about state oppression outside Pakistan, be it Kashmir or Palestine, but when it comes to their own people, our leaders are in a habit of sweeping everything under the rug.

How long will Pakistan continue to pursue policies that have not just hurt us but the outside world as well? Cross-border terrorism has resulted in Pakistan being treated like a pariah state by the whole world. Supporting jihadi networks has made this country into one of the most dangerous countries in the world. Bomb blasts, suicide attacks, sectarian violence, Baloch genocide, political warfare in Karachi are just the tip of the iceberg. Dependency on foreign aid and loans has pushed us into one of the worst economic crises ever. Inflation keeps rising and so does unemployment. The energy crisis has led to the shutdown of many businesses and also made the lives of our citizens miserable. Corruption, both in the military and the civilian set-up, continues unabated. The military still calls the shots when it comes to our foreign and security policies. Instead of protecting our borders, the military is far too busy meddling in other affairs of the state. Our children are being taught distorted history in schools, colleges and universities. Madrassas keep churning out religious zealots who wreak havoc in the name of religion. The majority cannot even afford to send their children to schools, which is why child labour is still rampant. In his August 14 address, President Zardari said, “Youth is the real future of the country and they are the hope for the progress and prosperity of the country.” If the government is really serious about bringing progress and prosperity in Pakistan, it must do so by investing more time and money to improve the education system. We must also protect the rights of our minorities who are treated like second class citizens in their own homeland. For this, the government needs to repeal draconian laws promulgated by General Ziaul Haq. Crimes against women must also be stopped. A society cannot progress unless and until women are treated equally. Our justice system needs to be revamped in order to bring speedy justice to perpetrators of terror and other heinous crimes.

Only a secular, tolerant, educated, egalitarian and just Pakistan can survive. Continuing with the same old policies of abetting religious extremism, terrorism and intolerance will lead to anarchy and self-destruction.

(my editorial in Daily Times)

FATA reforms

2011-08-13T20:43:00.000-07:00

President Asif Ali Zardari on Friday signed two decrees: Amendments to the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR), 2011 and Extension of the Political Parties Order 2002 to the Tribal Areas. The reforms in FCR carry immense importance for the people of FATA to bring the tribal areas into the national mainstream. The more than a century-old FCR is a remnant of the British Raj. Since then, the tribal areas have been administered through political agents (PAs). The amendments to the FCR have brought an end to the practice of collective responsibility and collective punishment for children, women and people over the age of 65. The people of FATA can now appeal against the decisions of the PAs. Under the old system, if an individual was accused of committing a crime, the entire tribe was penalised. It was, therefore, imperative to introduce political reforms in the tribal areas, as the tribal people are very much citizens and entitled to the same rights and privileges as enjoyed by people living in other parts of the country. The Political Parties Order 2002 will allow political parties to operate in FATA. There is weight in the argument that had FATA been part of mainstream politics throughout, the extremist elements would not have been able to create problems for Pakistan. Though the amendments in the FCR can be seen as a first step towards promoting moderate trends to prevail over extremism, the next step is to abolish this traditionally conservative system. The British, facing problems during the colonial era on the Frontier, imposed a special governance and administrative system by creating tribal agencies and appointing PAs under the governor of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. As part of this arrangement of tribal autonomy, the maliks (local chiefs/elders) were bought off with money and asked to keep lawlessness in check.

It has finally dawned on the government after a century to correct the anomalies left by our colonial masters. Since that system worked for the British, it was portrayed as being the wishes of the tribal people whereas the truth is that the colonial authorities were indifferent to the public’s views. Maliks had a vested interest in the previous system, which is why it continued till now. There is a consensus that the FCR must be completely abolished but so far the government has done it haltingly by only partially amending the FCR.

The people of FATA do not have representation in any provincial assembly. Either they should be made part of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa or a new province should be formed, but only through the free and democratic expression of the people’s will, i.e. through a referendum. Other tiers of governance like local governments and the advantages of development should then be provided to the long deprived people of FATA.

Another question that needs to be addressed is that of the jihadi networks operating in the tribal belt. The cover to the jihadi networks like the Haqqanis is embedded in the tribal system. With the military going into the tribal areas from 2004 onwards, it became a very important player there as well. Whether this seemingly hesitant approach of the government is a purely well thought through incremental process of reforms or is intended to avoid ruffling the feathers of some very powerful institutions remains to be seen. There are obviously some pressures in the way of a wholesale, complete, consistent reform package. But if the Haqqanis are shifted to Kurram Agency, if they have not been already, will the military welcome these reforms is an important question. It is hoped that the government would not bow to any pressures as the people of FATA need complete mainstreaming, freedom, transparency and democratic expression.

(my editorial in Daily Times)