Suggestions without answers

The April 11 Nishtar Park, Karachi suicide bombing has sinister connotations. It killed several leaders and members of the Sunni Tehrik (ST), an Islamic party that subscribes to the South Asian Barelvi tradition. Karachi has a history of violence between Sunni militant groups and Shias, but there is little friction between the Shias and Barelvis. One cannot ignore the fact that the Barelvis have been targeted before by militants from the more austere Deobandi Sunni sect, which disapproves of the Barelvis’ interpretation of Islam. 17 Ulema of the Ahle Sunnat met President Musharraf in Karachi in the backdrop of this carnage. At the meeting, President Musharraf said he was seeking the help of the Ulema to help curb religious terrorism and extremism. But the president did not spell out how exactly he envisaged the Ulema could help. It is all very well to make good suggestions in theory, but what are needed are practical steps to eradicate religious terrorism. No one is clear how to get rid of this evil.

The entire thrust of the Musharraf regime’s policy vis-à-vis religious extremism and terrorism is riddled with contradictions. The regime has time and again failed to respond in any meaningful sense to the spate of terrorism, especially sectarian terrorism, which has increased substantially since Musharraf’s 180 degree turn after 9/11. Initially a lot of people were convinced that this was a true reflection of the changed policy of no longer supporting jihadi groups that were created to serve the state’s designs across borders. Some had hoped that Pakistan’s crackdown on Islamic extremists would herald a period of religious harmony. But as time went by — and as the track record shows — this proved to be a mirage. The government’s treatment of militant religious extremist organisations could be characterised as ‘softly, softly’, ‘handle with kid gloves’. The ban on jihadi organisations proved to be a farce, as they resurrected with new names and were allowed to operate freely, so much so that the first teams of rescuers after the October 8 earthquake were these militant organisations. The disquiet of the US and other Western donors that this would provide the jihadis with a God-sent opportunity to reinvent themselves evoked the usual contradictory response from the government. First it was said that they will not be allowed to operate, even for relief work. Then, within days, the government reversed its announcement on grounds that the organisations would be closely watched and as long as they did not take unfair advantage of the situation, they would be allowed to work freely. This is symptomatic of a reflection of the real policy of the government — lip-service to turning away from religious extremism, while in practice continuing to support it at one level or another. The reason for this is clear. The government wants to keep these elements in reserve for future use, for the same purposes for which they were initially created.

Secondly, the president expressed his annoyance at the strike call, but he did not say anything about the sheer incompetence and dereliction of duty by the security forces. Will we now witness the usual cover-up? How many heads amongst the security and law and order establishment have rolled over the years on this basis? The only saving grace to come out of this debacle is that the government is contemplating forbidding the holding of such major gatherings. Finally, the penny has dropped that Pakistan is confronted with a serious security issue. It is in the interests of the public safety that this solution be adopted, painful as it might be to some, at least until the monster of terrorism has been put to rest.